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3 1833 02553 9112 

Gc 973.006 Am35t v. 4 

American Ant iquarian 

Archaeolog ia arnericana 









Allen County Public Library 

900 Webster Street 

PO Box 2270 

Fort Wayne, IN 46801-2270 


printed by john wilson and son, 

22, School Street. 



In preparing this volume of the Collections of the Anti- 
quarian Society, the Publishing Committee have aimed to 
combine with a variety of subjects a degree of unity in 
the character of its contents. 

Not more, however, for that reason, than because the 
principal materials provided for the work have required 
greater space than was anticipated, an article on the Sacri- 
ficial Mounds of the Scioto Valley, originally designed for 
this volume, and another on some peculiarities of the In- 
dian Dialects, are reserved for future publication. 

The documents now printed belong to the Colonial period 
of United-States history, and do not relate to the aboriginal 
antiquities of the country, except so far as portions of them 
may serve to illustrate the condition and habits of the natives 
as they appeared to the earliest settlers on our shores. 

The Papers of Sir Ralph Lane, the Governor of Sir Walter 
Raleigh's first plantation ; the Journal of Capt. Newport's 
voyage of discovery up James River ; and the Narrative of 
Edward Maria Wingfield, the first President of the James- 
town Colony, — are entirely fresh materials for the history 
of North Carolina and Virginia at the beginning, -and possess 
the merit of being the testimony of persons occupying the 
most prominent and responsible positions in the settlements, 
and having the best opportunities for observation. 


The " New England's Rarities Discovered " of Josselyn 
exhibits tlie natural history of that region as it presented 
itself to the minds of the first comers, and as explained ac- 
cording to their views of science. It derives new interest 
from the copious and learned annotations of Professor Tuck- 
erman, and fills a place in our means of information re- 
specting the original and purely native productions of New 
England which no other document so fully supplies. 

The Voyage to Spitzbergen, as connected with the mer- 
cantile enterprises of which these Colonies were the fruit, 
and with the men who planned or promoted their establish- 
ment, has important relations to that period of American 
history, and to a branch of inquiry which has, perhaps, 
received less particular attention than it deserves ; viz., 
the commercial inducements, influences, and agencies, pub- 
lic and private, under which the coasts of the Northern 
Continent were explored, and projects for colonization in 
different localities conceived. 

It will be seen, that, with the exception of Professor 
Tuckerman's contribution, the papers contained in the 
volume have been prepared by the several members of 
the Publishing Committee, each assuming a separate divi- 
sion of labor and responsibility. They jointly submit the 
result to the Society and the public, believing that what- 
ever delays may have occurred in the fulfilment of their 
trust are compensated by the value of the additional matter 
which some of them have consequently been able to furnish 
from the archives of the mother-country. 




Officers of the Society vii 

Original Documents from the State-Paper Office, London, and 
the British Museum ; illustrating the History of Sir Walter 
Raleigh's First American Colony, and the Colony at James- 
town 1 

" A Discourse of Virginia." By Edward Maria Wingfield, the 
first President of the Colony. Now first printed from the 

Original Manuscript in the Lambeth Library 67 

New-England's Rarities Discovered. By John Josselyn, Gent. . . 105 
Narrative of a Voyage to Spitzbergen in the Year 1613, at the 
Charge of the Fellowship of English Merchants for the Dis- 
covery of New Trades, commonly called the Muscovy Company ; 
with a Description of the Country, and the Operations of 
the Whale-Fishery. Now first printed from the Original 
Manuscript 239 

Life of Sir Ralph Lane 317 

Notice of Samuel Jennison, Esq., late Treasurer of the American 

Antiquarian Society 345 

INDEX 353 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2012 




Hox. STEPHEN SALISBURY of Worcester. 


Rev. WILLIAM JENKS, D.D Boston. 

Hon. LEVI LINCOLN, LL.D Worcester. 


Hox. ISAAC DAVIS, LL.D Worcester. 



CHARLES FOLSOM, Esq Cambridge. 

Hon. IRA M. BARTON Worcester. 


Hon. JOHN P. BIGELOW Boston. 

SAMUEL F. HAVEN, Esq Worcester. 

Hon. DWIGHT FOSTER Worcester. 

Rev. EDWARD E. HALE Boston. 

Secretary of Foreign Correspondence. 

JABED SPARKS, LL.D Cambridge. 


Secretary of Domestic Correspondence. 
Hon. BENJAMIN F. THOMAS, LL.D of Boston. 

Recording Secretary. 

SAMUEL JENNISON, Esq Worcester. 

Committee of Publication. 

SAMUEL F. HAVEN, Esq Worcester. 

Rev. EDWARD E. HALE Boston. 

CHARLES DEANE, Esq Cambridge. 

SAMUEL F. HAVEN, Esq Worcester. 





.Sir SEalter Ealwgfj'g JFirst American ftoiong, 


litfy an ^ppenbte, 




Member of the American Antiquarian Society. 





These letters are printed from copies taken from the 
originals in London. They are the earliest words of 
the English language, as written in this country, now in 
existence ; indeed, the first of them may be the earliest 
which were written here at all. We received the first 
three of them, and the narrative regarding James River 
which follows in this volume, from our associate, Hon. 
George Bancroft, who gives the following account of 
them : — 

New York, Dec. 17, 1858. 
My dear Sir, — A few years ago, I directed copies to be 
made of very many colonial papers that are preserved in the 
British State-paper Office at Westminster. Among the docu- 
ments of which I thus obtained possession, those relating to 
the Colony of Virginia alone, previous to the year 1688, fill 
nine folio volumes, averaging more than six hundred pages 
each. They came to me without annotation or comment, as 
faithful transcripts of the originals, made by the most skilful 
copyists. Agreeably to your request, I place at your dispo- 
sal the oldest papers of the series. Among them you will 
find three letters from Ralph Lane to Secretary Walsingham. 


They differ a little from the accounts in Hakluyt ; but I leave 

to you the comparison. . . . 

The other paper is a relation of the first English voyage up 

the James River. You will find the substance of it in Pur- 

chas and in Smith ; but this relation has an interest, from its 

fulness of details and its indisputable authenticity. By the 

help of Smith's map and the best modern one, I hope j 7 ou will 

be able to identify every point referred to in the James 

River. Yours very truly, 

Geo. Bancroft. 
Rev. Edward E. Hale. 

These letters were put in my hands by the Publishing 
Committee. Having an opportunity to visit the English 
State-paper Office before they were published, I ex- 
amined the original manuscripts with great interest. 
So carefully had Mr. Bancroft's copies been made by 
Mr. Sainsbury, the accomplished officer now in charge 
of the American papers, that I found the originals added 
nothing to what we had. With the letters to Sir Fran- 
cis Walsingham, however, I found a fourth, also of 
Aug. 12, 1585, written by Ralph Lane to Sir Philip 
Sidney, the distinguished son-in-law of Walsingham. 
We now publish this letter with those to Walsingham. 

They were all sent from the " new fort," Port Fer- 
dinando, — the Colony planted on Roanoke Island, on 
the coast of North Carolina (then Virginia), at the 
cost and under the direction of Sir Walter Raleigh. 
Ralph Lane was the commander or governor of this 

The contemporary accounts of it heretofore published 
are contained in the third volume of Hakluyt's " Collec- 
tions " and in Cates's " Voyage of Sir Francis Drake." 


In Hakluyt is a paper by Gov. Lane, to which he al- 
ludes in one of the letters which we now publish. The 
first of these accounts is in the form of a diary, ascribed 
by Dr. Hawks, 1 with apparent correctness, to Arthur 
Barlowe, one of the captains who had been on the 
voyage of the previous year. The history of the expe- 
dition, up to the date of the letters which we now 
publish, is briefly this : — 

Sir Walter Raleigh had sent out two vessels to the 
coast of Virginia in the year 1584. They had sailed on 
the 27th of April, and returned safely to England about 
the middle of September. Their report, made to Ra- 
leigh, 2 gave a most favorable account of the coast of 
Xorth Carolina, which the Queen called Virginia ; and, 
the next spring, Sir Walter sent out his cousin Green- 
ville as " generall," in charge of seven ships, with a 
colony for settlement there. Of this Colony, Master 
Ralph Lane was appointed, by Raleigh, commander. 
The fleet sailed from Plymouth on the 9th of April. 
After various adventures in the West Indies, they ar- 
rived on the coast of North Corolina near the end of 
June ; and, on the 26th, came to anchor at Wocokon. 
This was the Indian name which these adventurers 
applied to the channel now known as Ocracock Inlet 
into Pamplico Sound. On the map published by them 
on their return, it was twenty-two leagues north-east of 
Cape Lookout. Cape Lookout's name on this map, in 
De Bry's Collection, is " Promontorium Tremendum," 
suggesting our Cape Fear, which is farther west. On 

1 In his History of North Carolina. 2 See Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 246. 


the 29th, the admiral's ship, the " Tiger," was lost in 
attempting to enter the so-called harbor. " On the 27th 
of July," says the diary, " our fleet anchored at Hato- 
rask ; and there we rested." Hatorask is not the 
modern Cape Hatteras, but a channel into Pamplico 
Sound, not far distant from that now open, — just to the 
south of Roanoke Island. This island was selected as 
the site of the Colony ; a selection which proved unfor- 

"The 29th," continues the diary, " Grangino, brother to 
King Wingina, came aboard the Admiral [Master Philip 
Amadas], and Manteo with him. 

" Aug. 2, the Admiral was sent to Weapomeiok. 

" The 5th, Master John Arundell was sent for England. 

" The 25th, our general weighed anchor, and set sail for 

The first two letters, which are now published for the 
first time, were probably sent home by one of the vessels 
of the fleet thus returning, The date of the third letter 
is later than that assigned for Sir Richard Greenville's 
return ; but it was probably sent by some lingering ves- 
sel of the expedition. 

The various narratives of this first Colony are, — 

I. Diary of the voyage (April 9 — Oct. 18) ; which is 
printed by Hakluyt, and reprinted by Dr. Hawks, who 
ascribes it to Barlowe. 

II. Ralph Lane's two letters to Sir Francis Walsingham, 
and his letter to Sir Philip Sidney, Aug. 12, 1585 ; now 
printed for the first time. 

III. An extract from Ralph Lane's letter of Sept. 3, 1585, 
to " Mr. Richard Hakluyt, Esq. ; " not Rev. Richard Hakluyt, 


as Dr. Hawks suggests, but his kinsman of the Inner Tem- 
ple. This extract is printed in Hakluyt, and reprinted by 
Dr. Hawks. 

IV. Ralph Lane's third letter to Sir Francis Walsiugham, 
Sept. 8, 1585 ; which is now printed for the first time. 

V. and VI. Lane's and Hariot's accounts, preserved in 
Hakluyt, and copied by Dr. Hawks ; published after their 

VII. The narrative in De Bry, embracing Hariot's ac- 
count, and occasionally mentioning some fact which we do not 
find elsewhere. To these additional intimations, Dr. Hawks 
has carefully called attention. 

VIII. Cates's account of Drake's voyage. This narrative 
was first printed in 1589. 3 The title is, " A Svmmarie and 
Trve Discovrse of Sir Frances Drake's West Indian Voyage ; 
wherein were taken the Townes of Saint Jago, Sancto Do- 
mingo, Cartagena, & Saint Augustine. Imprinted at London 
by Richard Field, dwelling in the Blacke-Friars, by Ludgate. 
1589." i It is reprinted in the fourth volume of Hakluyt. 

IX. I may add to these " the original drawings of the 
habits, towns, customs, of the West Indians ; and of the plants, 
birds, fishes, &c, found in Greenland, Virginia, Guiana, &c. ; 
by Mr. John White." These water-color drawings, a few of 
which only are preserved in De Bry, are preserved in the 
Sloane Collection in the British Museum. Some account of 
this curious collection will be found at the close of Lane's 

3 The name of Thomas Cates has not been observed elsewhere : and the resemblance 
to Thomas Gates has raised the suggestion, that this might have been that gentleman, 
afterwards Sir Thomas Gates, " who has the honor," says Mr. Bancroft, "to all poste- 
rity, of being the first named in the original patent for Virginia; " and that the name 
might have been misprinted in Hakluyt. But they were two men. A good copy of the 
rare tract of Thomas Cates is in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
being the original copy used by Dr. Prince. It was presented by Hon. C. H. Warren 
to that society last year. The initials T. C. and the name Thomas Cates both appear 
in it. Cates's name had escaped Watt, and even the accurate Allibone. 

4 On the reverse of the title is an advertisement. The dedication of two pages is 
signed " Thomas Cates." Text, 52 pp. 4to. 



Ralph Lane 2 to Sir Francis Walsingham? 

12th August, 1585. 
Right Honorable, — The bearer hereof, Mr. Attekynson, 
your honor's servaunte, hathe carryed him selfe soo honestely 
and soo industryousely in all occasyones and acciones of thys 
voyeage, that I canne not lesse doo, havynge sume prynsy- 
palle chardege in the same, to note him, by thys my bolde 
letter to your honor, for one moost worthye of grete accompte 
emongest us, and with your honor not to bee the lesse reck- 
enned of in thys behalfe ; havynge dooune your honor, by 
suche hys honeste demeanors, as mych honor as eny servaunte 
canne doo to soo honorable a master. 

I have also wrytten to your honor, by your servante Mr. 
Russelle, to a lyke effecte ; who, notwithstandyinge the gene- 
rale's dysplesure towardes him, and his compleyentes, wyll 
neverthelesse, I am persuaded, cleare him selfe very well to 
your honor of every chardege or imputaccione whatsoever. 
And even soo, sir, humbly corny ttyng your honor to the 

1 These letters are from the department, " Colonial Series," in the State-paper 

2 Ralph Lane was the Governor of the Colony of one hundred and seven men, from 
the time it was left till it re-embarked the next year for England. Some memoranda 
of his life are brought together in the Appendix, A. 

3 Francis Walsingham, born 1536, died 1590; appointed Secretary and one of the 
Privy Council by Cecil. Oldys, in his Life of Raleigh, says that Walsingham had a per- 
sonal interest in, as well as an official oversight of, the plantations; " for I find a bundle 
entitled ' Matters relating to Sir Walter Raleigh's Voyages'' mentioned in the inventory 
of that Secretary's State Papers relative to the navy about this time." The margin 
explains this by the note, " Sir Francis Walsingham's Table Book. Manuscript 8vo, 
p. 44." I searched in vain among the voluminous Walsingham MSS. in the British 
Museum for this " Table Book " or the manuscripts alluded to; but I must hope that, 
perhaps among the State Papers, some other explorer will be more successful. — e. e. h. 

ealeigh's first American colony. 9 

mycyone of the Allrnyghty, for thys tyme I take my leave of 

the same. 

From the Porte Ferdynando, 4 in Virginia, the 12th of 

Auguste, 1585. 

Your honor's humble and most assured, 

Bafe Lane. 

Indorsed. — To the Right Honorable Sir Francis Wallsyngham, 
K.t., prynsypall Secrettary to her majesty, and one of her high- 
ness's most honorable Pryvy Counselle, thys letter, &c, at the 
courte of England. 


Ralph Lane to Sir Francis Walsingham. 

12th August, 1585. 
Right Honorable, — With humble remembrance of all dewe- 
tye and most hartye affeccione unto you, accordinge as I ac- 
knowledge my selfe to have moost good cause. The generalle's 
returne in hys owene personne into Englande dothe presently 
cutte mee of from usinge cyrcumstances in reporte of the par- 
tycularityes of thys countrey in thys my letter unto your 
honor. Only thys, yt maye plese you by mee in generally to 
understande, that thys our presente arryvahe into thes partes, 
thoughe late in the yeare (and that whoolly thoroughe the 
defalte of him 5 that intendethe to accuse others), hathe never- 
thelesse dyscouverdde unto us soo many, soo rare, and soo 
singulare comodytyes (by the unyversalle opynyone bothe of 
our appothycaryes and all our merchauntes here) of thys her 
majesty's newe kingdom of Virginia, as all the kingdomes 
and states of Chrystendom, theyere comodytyes joyegned in 
one together, doo not yealde ether more good or more plenty- 

* The origin of the name is explained in the third letter. 
6 Probably Sir Richard Greenville. (See the third letter.) 


fulle whatsooever for publyck use ys needefull or pleasinge for 
delyghte ; they partycularytyes wheroof I leave to the gene- 
ralle's reporte, as also to the judgements of all your honors, 
your selfe, and that uppon the vyewe of a grete amasse of 
good thynges that hee bryngethe hys shippe presently 
frayegheted with all, to avoyde all suspycyone of fraude. 
Theye thynges that wee have had tyme as yeate to see and to 
sende are but suche as are fyrst cumen to hande with very 
srnalle serche, and which doo presente them selfes uppon the 
upper face of the earthe ; they barreneste and most suncken 
plattes whereof doo, neverthelesse, every where } 7 ealde some- 
what that ether for knowen virtue ys of prycse in Chrysten- 
dom, or some what at leeste to the smelle plesinge ; not havynge 
as yeate founde, in all our serche, one stynckinge weede grow- 
ynge in thys lande, — a matter, in all our opynyones here, 
very straunge. Into the bowelles of the earthe, as yeate, wee 
have not serched ; and therefore, not meanynge to advertyse 
your honor of eny thinge that myne owene eyes have not 
seene, I leave to certefj^e your honor of what lyekelyhuddes 
founde, or what the savvages reporte of better matters. The 
mayene terrytory, as yt ys vaste and huge, and replenysshed as 
beeforesaid, soo also all the entryes into the same are soo by 
nature fortefyed to the sea warde, by reason of a shoelle and 
moost daungerouse coaste above 150 leagues lyinge all alonge 
thys her majesty's domynyone allready dyscoverdde, that yt 
ys not with grete shippinge at eny hande to bee delte with all. 
There bee only, in all, three entryes and portes : the one 
which wee have named Trynytj^e Harboroughe ; 6 the other, 
Ococan, 7 in the entry whereof all our fleete struck agrounde ; 

6 Trinity Harbor has long since been closed, in the frequent changes of the long 
island range which Lane describes in this letter. As represented in Wyth's map in 
De Dry's Collection, it opened a little to the north of Roanoke Island, opposite the 
northern cape of Albemarle Sound. Wyth's map is copied in Dr. Hawks's North 
Carolina and in Wheeler's History of North Carolina. 

7 Probably not Wokokon, — which, as above, is near Cape Fear, — but the second 
inlet indicated on the maps in De Bry, and marked in both with sinking ships in the 


and, the " Tyger " lyinge beatynge uppon the shoalle for the 
space of two houres by the dyalle, wee were all in extreeme 
hasarde of beyng caste awaye : but, in the ende, by the mere 
worck of God, flottynge of, wee ranne her agrounde harde to 
the shoare ; and soo, with grete spoyelle of our provysyones, 
saved our selves and the noble shippe also, with her backe 
whoolle, which all they marryners aborde thoughte coolde not 
possybelly but have beene brocken in sunder, havynge abyd- 
den by juste talle above eighty-nine strockes agrounde. The 
third entry, and beste harboroughe of all the reste, ys the 
porte which is called Ferdynando, 8 dyscoverdde by the master 
and pylotte maggiore of our fleete, your honor's servante, 
Symon Ferdynando ; who trewly hathe carryed him selfe 
bothe with grete skylle and grete government all thys voyeage, 
notwithstandyng thys grete crosse to us all, as the whoolle 
gynge 9 of masters and marryners wyll with one voyce affyrme. 
The two harboroughs above mensyoned (whereof Trynyty 
Harboroughe ys one, and only of eight foote uppon the barre 
at hyghe water) are as you may judge. Thys other, called 
the Ferdynando, hathe a barre also, but at twelve foote uppon 
the same at hyghe water, and the barre very shorte, beyng 
within three, four, and five fathoms water; soo as thys porte, 
at the poynte of the lande, beyng fortefyed with a skouse, yt 
ys not to be entredde by all the force that Spayne canne 
make, wee havyng the favure of God. 

The clymate ys soo whoollesom, yeate somwhat tendying to 
heate, as that wee have not had one sycke synce wee entredde 
into the countrey ; but sundry that came sycke are recovered 
of longe dyseases, especially of reumes. 

8 This entry is that marked as Hatorasck on the two maps in De Bry. The praise 
of Simon Fernando here is to be noticed, as he was afterwards one of Gov. White's 
assistants, when, in 1587, another colony was sent out. In White's journal, he is con- 
stantly charged with treachery to the party; and to his desertion the capital error of 
their remaining at Roanoke, instead of seeking a better point of settlement, is 

* Probnhly " gang." 


My selfe have undertaken, with the favoure of God and in 
hys feare, with a good compagnye moore, as well of gentle- 
men as others, to rernayene here the returne of a newe supply; 
as resolute rather to loose our lyfes then to deferre a posses- 
sione to her majesty, our countrey, and that our moost Noble 
Patrone, Sir Walter Rawelley, of soo noble a kingdome, as by 
hys moost woorthy endevoure and ynfynytte chardege, as 
also of your honor and the reste of the mooste honorable ad- 
venturerres, an honorable entry ys made into (by the mercy 
of God) to the conqueste of; and, for myne owne parte, doo 
finde my selfe better contented to lyve with fysshe for my 
dayely foode, and water for my dayely dryncke, in the prose- 
cucione of suche one accione, then oute of the same to lyve in 
the greateste plenty that the Courte coolde gyve mee : com- 
forted cheefely here unto with an assuerance of her Majesty's 
gretenes hereby to growe by the Addycione of suche a kinge- 
dom as thys ys to the 1 reste of her Domynyones ; by meane 
whereof, lykewyse, the Churche of Chryste thoroughe Chrys- 
tendom may, by the mercy of God, in shorte tyme finde a 
relyfe and freedom from the servytude and tyranny that by 
Spayene (beynge the swoorde of that Antychryste of Rome 
and hys secte) the same hathe of long tyme beene most myse- 
rabelly oppressed with. Not doutyng, in the mercy of God, 
to bee suffycyently provyded for by him, and most assuered by 
fayethe in Chryste, that, rather then hee wyll sufferre hys enne- 
myes the Papystes to tryumphe over the overthrowe ether 
of thys most Chrystyan Accione, or of us hys poore servantes, 
in the thoroughe famyne or other wantes, — beyng in a vaste 
Countrey yett unmannerde, thoughe most apte for yt, — that 
hee wyll comaunde even the ravennes to feede us, As hee did 
by hys servante the Prophett Abacuc, 2 and that only for hys 

1 " ys the to" by mistake in the original. 

2 The allusion to Habakkuk is unfortunate; but, in 1585, Bibles were not widely 
circulated. Hariot, Lane's companion, had one, however, in this Colony. His language 
is, " Many times, and in every towne where I came, according as I was able, I made 

raleigh's first American colony. 13 

raercye's sake. To the which I most hartely comytt your 
honor : and, with my humble comendaciones to my lady, your 
TVyffe, for thys tyme I take my leave of the same. — Prom the 
Porte Ferdynando, in Virginia, the 12th of Auguste, 1585. 

Your honor's humble and most assuered, 

duryng lyfe, 

Rafe Lane. 

Indorsed. — To the Right Honorable Sir Francis Wallsixgham, 
Kt., prynsypalle Secrettary to her majesty, and one of her high- 
ness's most honorable Pryvy Counselle, thys bee att the Courte of 


Ralph Lane to Sir Francis Walsingham. 

8th September, 1585. 
Eight Honorable, — Sythence Sir R. Greenfeelde, by the 
tyme of the arryvalle of thys my letter, ys to delyver unto 
your honor, as also to Sir Walter Rawlley, our lorde, sundry 
complayntes against sundry gentlemen of thys servyce, and 
partycularely against our Hyghe Marsshell ; Mr. Candysshe ; 3 
Mr. Edward Gorge ; 3 Mr. Frances Brooke, our Threasurer ; 3 and 
Capt. Clarck, 3 captain of the flee-boate ; I thoughte good thus 

declaration of the contents of the Bible; . . . and although I told them the booke, 
materially and of itselfe, was not of any such vertue as I thought they did conceive, 
but onely the doctrine therein conteined, } r et would many be glad to touch it, to em- 
brace it, to ki.sse it, to holde it to their breastes and heads, and stroke over all their 
body with it, to shew their hungry desire of that knowledge which was spoken of." — 
Eakluyt, vol. iii. p. 337. 

3 Thomas Cavendish was afterwards a celebrated freebooter, and knighted by Queen 
Elizabeth after his return from the South Sea. He died, 1593, in his thirtieth year. In 
the diary of this voyage in Hakluyt, he is thus named: "The principall gentlemen of 
our cornpanie were these, — M. Ralph Lane, M. Tumas Candish, M. John Arundell, M. 
Rayrnund, M. Stukely, M. Bremige, M. Vincent, and M. John Clarke, and divers others; 


muche to advertise your honor, and that moost trewly concern- 
ynge them : that yt ys not possyble for men to behave them 
selfes moore fayethefully and moore industryousely in an Ac- 
cione (the same, by the generalle's only grete defalte, havynge 
beene made bothe moost payenefulle and moost perelkmse) 
then every of thes gentlemen, but especially Mr. Candysshe, 
our High Marsshall, and Mr. Francis Brooke, our Threasurer, 
have donne, and that ever since the fyrste to the laste. Con- 
trary wyse, how Sir R. Greenfeelde, generalle, hathe demeaned 
him selfe, from the fyrst daye of hys entry into governement 
at Plymouthe untyll the daye of hys departure from hence 
over the barre in the Porte Ferdinando, farre otherwyse then 
my hoope of him ; thoughe very agreeable to the expecta- 
ciones and predyccions of sundry wyse and godly personnes 
of hys owene countreye, that knewe hym better then my selfe. 
And partycularely how tyrannouse an execucione, withoute 
eny occasyone of my parte offerred, hee not only purposed, 
but even propounded the same, to have broughte niee, by in- 
dyrecte meanes and moost untrewe surmyses, to the questione 
for my lyfe, and that only for an advyse in a publycke con- 
sultacione by mee gyven ; which, yf yt had beene executed, 
had beene for the grete good of us all, but moost cheefely of 

■whereof some were captaines, and other some assistants for counsell and good direc- 
tions in the voyage." — Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 307. 

Mr. Edward Gorge ma}' have been Edward Gorges, of Somersetshire, born in 1526; 
or his son, Sir Edward Gorges, born in 1564, who had not been knighted in 1585. 

There is another Sir Edward Gorges of the same period, the son of Sir Thomas 
Gorges and his wife Helena, relict of William Parr, Marquis of Northampton. This Sir 
Edward Gorges was knighted April 1, 1603, and created Baron Dundalk, of Ireland, 
July 13, 1621. This Edward Gorges was connected, through his mother, with the 
Lanes of Buckingham, and probably with Ralph Lane. 

Sir Fernando Gorges, afterwards so prominent in New-England history, was of the 
same family. Josselyn calls him of Ashton Phillips, in Somerset, an estate adjacent to 
the Wraxall Estate, which was that of Sir Edward Gorges a generation before. The 
two estates are now one. 

Under date of July 11, describing an expedition made from the fleet by Greenville 
and others, before the site of the Colony was determined, the diary again names Capt. 
Clarke with Amadas and ten others in a ship-boat, and Francis Brook and John White 
in another ship-boat. 

raleigh's first American colony. 15 

him selfe. I am therefore to referre your honor to an ample 
dyscoursse of the wholle voyeage, in a booke to Sir Walter 
Rawley, dedycated of the same, wherein hys used manner of 
proceedynge towardes all men in the Accione in generally, 
and partycularely towardes my selfe (the same to bee ap- 
prooved by the testymonyes and deposycyones of Mr. Can- 
dysshe, Mr. Edward Gorge, and Capt. Clerck), ys playenely 
and trewly sette doune ; which gentlemen, hee, aparte and 
together, at dyvers tymes sounded, by all meanes to have 
drawen theyere consente to have joyened with him uppon a 
moost untrewe surmyse of hys owene, to have broughte my 
hedde in questione. Soo as for myne owene parte, I have 
had soo muche experyence of hys governement, as I am hum- 
belly to desyre your honor, and the reste of my honorablest 
frendes, to gyve mee theyere favoures to bee freedde from 
that place where Sir R. Greenefeelde ys to carry eny authory- 
tye in chyeffe. Assueringe you, sir, with all that the Lorde 
hathe myraculosely bleste thys accione, that, in the tyme of hys 
beeynge emongest us, even thoroughe hys intollerable pryede 
and unsaciable ambycione, hyt hathe not at three severalle 
tymes taken a fynalle overthrowe ; the which had bene grete- 
ly to have beene pyttyed, not only in respecte of the losse of 
soo many subjectes, but cheefely for the ruyne of soo hono- 
rable an Accione : which the Lord, to hys glory, dothe dayely 
blesse here with a dayely dyscoverye of sumwhat rare grow- 
ynge here that Chrystendom wantethe (as, even three dayes 
before the date hereof, a kinde of hynneye-wheate founde here 
growynge and usualle, that yealdethe bothe come and suger, 
whereof our physycyan here hathe sente an assaye to our lord, 
Sir Walter Rawlleye), or elles of sume fertylle and plesante 
provynces, in the mayene fytte to bee cyvylly and Chrystyanly 
inhabyted, as at the presente yt is inhabyted only with sav- 
vages, but moost populousely, specially towardes the weste, 
where there are towene of theyere fasshyone, scytuated up- 
pon moost delycate platts of grounde, dystante the one from 


the other not above three Englysshe myelles ; soo as, uppon 
one of theyere holly dayes, there hathe beene of my com- 
pagnye in the mayene that hathe seene aboove seven hundred 
personnes, yonge and merrye [?], 4 together on a playene. I 
meane, with the favoure of the Allmyghtye, to vysytte that 
provynce, and sume parte of the wynter to passe there, be- 
ynge one hundred and forty myelles within the mayene. In 
the meane whylle, and durynge lyfe, I am to praye to the 
Allmyghty to blesse you and yours. 

Prom the Newe Forte in Verginia, the eighth daye of Sep- 
tember, 1585. 

Your honor's most assuered, durynge lyfe, 

Rafe Lane. 5 

Postscrip. ■ — Sir, the bearer hereof, our Threasurer, Mr. 
Brooke, shall delyver to your honor a trewe copye of the 
wholle dyscoursse of the voyeage, dyrected to Sir Walter 
Rawlley, subscrybed and to bee confyrmed with sundry cre- 
dible deposyciones. 

Indorsed. — To the Right Honorable Sir Francis Wallsingham, 
Kt., prynsypalle Secrettary to the queen's majestie, and one of her 
highness's moost honorable Pryvy Counselle, thys bee delyvered 
at courte. 

* Partly torn. 

5 There is nothing in the diary in Hakluyt to explain the complaints made against 
Greenville in this letter, nor to show that any such dissension as that described had 
broken out in the expedition. Lane is spoken of with respect, and, in some places, with 

ealeigh's first American colony. 17 


Ralph Lane to Sir PJiUip Sidney. 

Aug. 12, 1585. 
My most noble Generalle, — Albeyt in the myddest of in- 
fynytt busynesses, as hauyng, emungst savvages, the chardge 
of wylde menn of myne owene nacione, whose vnrulynes ys 
suche as not to gyve leasure to yhe gardes to bee all most att 
eny tyme from them ; nevei-thelesse, I wolde not omytt to 
wryte thes fewe lynes of deuety and affeccione vnto you : in 
yhe whych I am to leaue you to yhe letre whych I wrott to 
your most honorable father-in-lawe, Mr. Secrettary, touchyng 
yhe advertysmeuts thys her majesty's newe kingdom of Vir- 
ginia, and yhe singularityes thereof; and to advertyese you 
alltogether (but bryefely) of sume such matters as, in our 
course hytherwards, wee haue found worthye of your party- 
cypacione. Whych, in fewe wordes, ys thys : that yf her 
majesty shall, at eny tyme, finde her selfe burthened wyth 
yhe King of Spayene, wee have, by our dwellyng uppon yhe 
Hand of St. Jhon and Hyspagnyola for yhe space of 5 weekes, 
soe dyscouuered yhe forces thereof, wyth yhe infynytt ryches 
of yhe same, as that I f} r nd yt an attempt most honerable, 
fesyble, and proffytable, and only fytte for your selfe to bee 
cheeffe commander in. Thys entry wolde soe gaulle yhe 
King of Spain, as yt wolde dyuerte hys forces, yhat hee trou- 
blethe these partes of Chrystendome wyth, into thos partes 
where hee canne not gretely annoye vs wyth them. 1 And 
how gretely a small force wolde garboeyelle hym here, when 
ii of hys most rychest and strongest ilandes — St. Jhon and 

1 The meaning is not well expressed. Lane means that the forces of the Kino; of 
Spain would be diverted from Europe to the West Indies. It must be remembered that 
this letter was written a little before the Spanish Armada. 



Hyspagnyola — tuke suche allarmes of vs, not only landyng, 
but dwellyng vpon them, wyth only 120 menn ! I referre yt 
to your judgement. To conclude, fyndynge, by myne owene 
vyewe, hys forces at lande to bee soe meane, and hys terror 
made soe grete emongest vs in England, consyderyng that 
the reputacione thereof dothe alltogeather growe from yhe 
mynes of hys threasvre, and yhe same in places whych wee 
see here are soe easye bothe to bee taken and kepte by eny 
small force sent by hyr majesty, I colde not but wryte thes 
ylle fasshoned lynes vnto you, and to exhort you, my noble 
generall, by occasyone, not to refuse yhe good oportunyty of 
suche a seruyce to yhe churche of Chryst, of greate relyeffe 
from many callamytyes that thys threasure in Spanyard's 
handes dothe inflycte vnto yhe members thereof, very hono- 
rable and proffytable for her majesty and our countrey, and 
most commendable and fytte for yourselfe to bee yhe enter- 
pryser of. And euen soe for thys tyme ceasyng further to 
trouble you, wyth my humble commendaciones to my lady, 
your wyffe, I commytt you, my noble generalle, to yhe pro- 
tectyon of yhe Allmyghtye. 

From yhe Porte Ferdynando, in Virginia, yhe 12th of 
Auguste, 1585. 

Your poore soldyoure, 

And assuered at commandment, 

Rafb Lane. 

To my most honorable frende, Syr PnYLLYPPE Sydney, Knyght, thys bee 
delyvered at the courte of England. 2 

Seal of the Roanoke letters. 

2 Sir Philip Sidney took deep interest in the colonization of America. As early as 
Frohisher's return, in 1576, with stone, which was supposed to be gold ore, from his 
" Meta Incognita" (which was an island near Labrador), Sidney wrote to his corre- 
spondent Languet regarding it, in a strain which seemed to indicate his own intention 


These four letters were sent home as the different 
vessels of Greenville's squadron returned, and the 
Colony was left to its own resources. The narratives 
which have been cited above give quite full accounts of 
its explorations, its disappointments, and the gradually 
increasing jealousy of the natives. One hundred and 
seven men remained in Virginia with Lane. Their 
names are preserved as " the names of those, as well 
gentlemen as others, that remained for one year in 

of joining or leading a colony thither. Not many weeks before Lane wrote this letter 
to him, he had left London for Plymouth, and joined Sir Francis Drake on board his 
ship, with the intention of being the land-governor of some territory on the main, not 
far from the Isthmus, to be seized by that expedition. His friend Greville (Lord 
Brook) gives this account of his plan : — 

He says the expedition was fashioned by Sidney, " with purpose to become head of it 
himself; . . . which journey, as the scope of it was mixed both of land and sea service, 
so had it accordingly distinct officers and commanders, chosen by Sir Philip out of the 
ablest governors of these martial times. The project was contrived between themselves 
in this manner, that both should jointly be governors when they had left the shore of 
England: but, while things were a preparing at home, Sir Francis [Drake] was to bear 
the name, and, by the credit of Sir Philip, have all particulars abundantly sup- 
plied." * • 

Greville accompanied Sidney when he left London for Plymouth to embark ; but, 
as he represents the matter, Drake played Sidney false. He sent word of Sidney's 
purpose to court, where Sidney, leaving by stealth, had concealed his plans; and orders 
were at once sent him to return. Drake, meanwhile, delayed sailing; and Sir Philip, 
having vainly evaded the first messages from Queen Elizabeth, was finally obliged to 
obey, and give up his favorite expedition. 

The expedition lost seven hundred men; and, though it returned with large booty, 
was. for all political purposes, a failure. Greville says of it, " Nevertheless, as the 
limbs of Venus' picture, how perfectly soever begun and left by Apelles, yet, after his 
death, proved impossible to finish; so that heroical design of invading and possessing 
America, how exactly soever projected and digested in every minute by Sir Philip, did 
yet prove impossible to be well acted by any man's spirit than his own, how sufficient 
soever his associate were in all parts of navigation : whereby the success of this journey 
fell out to be rather fortunate in wealth than honour." 

It was in the return of this expedition, that, as the reader has seen, Drake relieved 

Sidney left ample testimony of his opinion, that Spain was to be most easily at- 
tacked in her West-Indian possessions ; an impression which he derived, very likely, from 
the very letter of Lane's which we now publish. At the least, it must have been con- 
firmed by it. Lane's statement relating to the weakness of the Spaniard on St. John 

Greville's Life of Sidney, chap. vii. 


Virginia under the government of Master Ralph Lane." 3 
Master Philip Amadas, one of the captains of the year 
before, was " Admiral of the country ; " a position in 
which he might have served it better with any vessels 
fit for his purposes. But, besides boats, he had only 
a pinnace, which drew too deep water for Roanoke 
Sound, and " would not stir for an oar." 

The observations made by these colonists during their 
stay are recorded at length in the authorities cited 
above, and Avere made with care and intelligence. I 
had heard the suspicions which hasty criticism has 
thrown on the genuineness of the drawings in De Bry's 
great volume. I was glad to dispel these suspicions by 

and Hispaniola reminds us at once of the following passage in Greville's Biography of 
Sidney: "Upon due consideration of which particulars, ... he resolved, from the 
only grounds of his former intended voyage with Sir Francis Drake, that the only 
credible means left was to assail him [the Spaniard], by invasion or incursion (as 
occasion fell out), in some part of that rich and desert West-Indian mine. . . . 

" Under the only conduct of this star did Sir Philip intend to revive this hazardous 
enterprise of planting upon the main of America, — projected, nay undertaken, long 
before (as I showed you), but ill executed in the absence of Sir Philip, — with a 
design to possess Nombre de Dios, or some other haven near unto it, as places, in respect 
of the little distance between the two seas, esteemed the fittest rendezvous for supply 
or retreat of an army upon all occasions. . . . 

" Upon these enterprises of his I have presumed to stand the longer, because, from 
the ashes of this first-propounded voyage to America, that fatal Low-Country action 
sprang up, in which this worthy gentleman lost his life." * . . . 

Lady Sidney, the wife of Sir Philip, to whom Lane sends his " humble commenda- 
tions " in this letter, was the only daughter of Sir Francis Walsingham, to whom our 
first three letters are addressed. In Mr. Haven's Introduction to the-Voyage to Spitz- 
bergen, in a subsequent part of this volume, the reader will observe how closely were 
afterwards united the family of Sidney and that of the distinguished merchant, Sir 
Thomas Smith, who finally succeeded in colonizing America, where Raleigh failed. 
Mr. Haven informs me that the union, in the same family, of the names Sidney and 
Smith, now so celebrated for more reasons than one, originated in this connection 
between the house of Sidney, in the very days of its glory, and the great merchant who 
presided over the early fortunes of the State of Virginia. 

Sidney died, after the battle of Zutphen, on the sixteenth day of October, 1586; not 
many weeks after Ralph Lane's return from America. 

3 Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 255. 

* Greville's Life of Sidney, chap. x. 

JOHN white's drawings. 21 

finding in the British Museum the originals of some of 
these drawings, and many more of the same series. In 
a report which I presented to the Antiquarian Society 
in April, 1860, I gave some account of them. 

The collection 4 consists of one hundred and twelve 
drawings, in water-color, very carefully preserved. They 
came to the Museum with the collection of Sir Hans 
Sloane ; 5 and the volume has this entry, which is believed 
to be in his handwriting : — 

" The originall drawings of the habits, towns, customs, of 
the West Indians, and of the plants, birds, fishes, &c, found 
in Greenland, Virginia, Guiana, <fcc; by Mr. John White, who 
was a painter, and accompanied Sir Walter Ralegh in his 
voyage. See the preface to the first part of ' America ' of 
Theodore de Bry, or the ' Description of Virginia,' where 
some of these draughts are curiously wrought by that 

If there were no title, the identity of many of the 
paintings with the prints in De Bry would show that 
they were by the same hand. That those are copied 
from these is shown by the fact, that the prints some- 
times reverse the paintings, giving the right hand for the 
left. This collection is much larger than that in De Bry, 
numbering nearly one hundred American pictures ; from 
which a part only were selected to be copied for en- 
graving. In De Bry there are only twenty-three. For 
several of the prints in De Bry, there are no originals 
here : and I am disposed to think, that the artist copied 
from these originals those which were sent to Germany ; 

* Sloane and additional Manuscripts, 5270. 6 Who died in 1752. 


that he sent, also, some of the originals ; and that the 
copies from which the engravers worked are not in this 

This very curious collection exhibits, even more than 
the spirited engravings in De Bry, the ability of the 
artist to whom Sir Walter Raleigh intrusted the repre- 
sentation to the eye of his new Colony. They are very 
well drawn ; colored with skill ; and, even in the pre- 
sent state of art, would be considered anywhere valuable 
and creditable representations of the plants, birds, beasts, 
and men of a new country. The collection includes 
other studies of the artist; a prince of Genoa in his 
court-dress, and many Italian plants, being found within 
the same covers as the chiefs, squaws, and pappooses, 
the woodpeckers, herrings, and hepaticas, of Roanoke. 
The distinguished naturalist, Dr. Francis Boott, was so 
kind as to examine the collection at my request ; and 
confirms my own impression, that the plants and birds 
must have been studied on the spot by the artist, as no 
specimens of them then existed elsewhere in the 
world. 6 

6 The volume in which these drawings are found is a scrap-book, made apparently 
by one hand. Among the paintings is a print of Cromwell, and an India-ink painting; 
not, I think, by White's hand. 

An indorsement in another hand than Sloane's, dated 1673, says, " There is in this 
book a hundred and 12 leaves, with flowers and pickters and Fish, and of Fowles, 
besides wast paper." 

Yet another indorsement gives a series of names of the birds in the collection, 
studied from Catesby's "Natural History of Florida:" — 

" Sir W. Raughley's Book, by White. Mr. Catesby's Nat. Hist. Florida: — 

Page 141. Bald Eagle. Nahyapaw. 

,, 150. Red-head Woodpecker. 

,, 152. Large Woodpecker. 

„ 153. Blue-bird. 

,, 154. Hairy Woodpecker. 

,, 155. The Yellow Woodpecker. 

,, 156. Red-winged Starling. 

Page 157. Towhee-bird. 

,, 158. Red-bird of Virginia. 

,, 159. Gold-winged Woodpecker. 

„ 160. Blue Jay. 

„ 162. Fox-colored Thrush. 

,, 151. Purple Jackday. 

„ 19. Flying-fish." 



The representations of animals and plants give peculiar value to the series; for the 
intimation has been thrown out, that the artist of De Bry's plates was never in Ame- 
rica. These representations of American birds, fishes, insects, and plants, could not 
have been made in Europe. 

The various pictures in the volume are, ten of Virginian Indians, of which one is 
the front figure of Plate IIII. in De Bry ; one is the front figure of III. in De Bry, where 
it is reversed by engraving; one is VIII. of De Bry, the woman a little differing from 
the print; one is XIX. of De Bry, four times the size of the print, and without the 

Then follow three pictures of Greenlanders, with one Greenland scene; a Roman 
soldier; Duke of Genoa; figure unnamed, probably Italian; two reptiles, — the gwanoo, 
(chameleon?) and one unknown; one butterfly (Mamaukanois). 

The fishes come next. They are thus named by the artist: — 


Rebero [two figures]. 
A Lande Crabe. 
Peffe Pica. 


[Old-wife, so named by Sloane?] 

One fish unnamed. 

Boladora [white flying-fish]. 

Mero [squirrel-fish. Sloane?]. 

Oio Debuey. 

Caracol [two figures], 
[Nautilus, not named.] 
The fruits come next: — 

Mamea [mammy-apple]. Pine. Plantano. 
Here follow a series of plants. The Latin names have been added evidently by a 
modern hand, — probably Sir Hans Sloane's. 

Leuconium bulbosum minus. 
Leuconium bulbosum alterum. 

Wisakon [asclepias. Sloane?]. 

Hyacinthus orientalis. 

Anemone flore caeruleo. 

Hyacinthus botroydes eaeruleus. 

Crocus vernus. 

Hyacinthus albus. 

Hepatica regalis [two figures]. 

Muscuri. sive Hyacinthus racemosus alter. 


Hyacinthus botroydes. 


Consolida regalis. 

[Id pencil] Delphinium majus sive vulgare. 

Armerius flos. 

Tulipa Bononienis. 

Narcissus juncifolius. 

Lilium persicum. 

Helleborus niger. 

Leutonium bulbosum majus. 

Tulipa lutea mixta rubro. 

[Three pages of tulips unnamed] 

[Venu3 and Cupid, in India-ink, stuck into 

Dens caninus [purple]. 
Auricula Ursi, Paralitica Alpina Major [two 

Acoras Veris. cum suo Juli [probably Julo is 

Calceoloa Mariae [Cypripedium]. 
Fritillflria [two]. 
Leuconium bulbosom majus. 

Narcissus medio purpureus. 

Narcissus medio luteus. 

Narcissus sylvestris multiplex. 

Narcissus paucifolius. 

Teratri nigri species, Bupthalimi Dod [meaning 

Hyacinthus orientalis major. 

Leuconium bulbosum tryphillon. 

Hyacinthus racemosus cceruleus et albus. 

Sisyrinchium majus. [Eight pages of Iris (all 
American varieties), of which only Iris varie- 
gatus is named; and, as in so many other 
instances, with the masculine adjective.] 

Sisyrinchium minus. 

Tigridis flos. 

Nasturtium Indicum. 

Canna Indica. 

Paralitica Alpina minor. 

Dens Caninus. Crocus verneus. 

Hepatica regalis flore rubra. 

Hepatica regalis flore cserulea. 

Anemone flore rubro multiplex. 


Lilium Byzantium. 

Anemone flore coeruleo simplici. 

Anemone simplex flore rubro. 

Hyacinthus spurius recemosus alter, sive Mus- 
tari [so spelled; but spelled Muscuri above]. 



The site of the settlement was visited in 1859 by Mr. 
Edward C. Bruce, who has thus described its present 
aspect : 7 — 

" The intrenchments speak a mute testimony of their own. 
The island contains nothing else of the sort ; and the records 
of the voyagers fix the situation of the fort and village to 
within a mile or less. Within that circuit they must have 
stood, and within it lie the remains before us. The location 
was judiciously selected. Half a mile from the eastern — or, 
rather, north-eastern — shore, and a little further from the 
northern point of the island, it was just far enough inland to 

Then follow the birds as named above, with - 

Tarawkow, the crane. 

Peeawkoo, as big as a Goose. 

Jaweepuwes, somewhat bigger than a duck. 

Oounsiuck, of the bignes of a Duck. 

Weewraamauqueo, As bigg as a Duck. 

Asanamauqueo, As bigg as a Goose. 

AVoonagusso, The swann. 

Kaiauk, as bigg as a Duck. 

Tuminaihumenes, of this bignes [crow?]. 

Memeo, as big as a croo. 

Jackawaujes, Of this bignes [blue-bird?]. 

[Itubicula, so named by Sloane?] 

[One unnamed], Of this bignes. 

Meemz. Of this bignes. 

Chachaquiles, a woodpecker; Of this bignes. 

Fish: — 

Pashockshin, The Playse; a foote & a halfe in 

Maranghahockes, 3 or 4 foote in length. 
Ribuckon, a foote in length. 

[ The hearing; 2 feet in length. 
Wuniiiunaliam, ) 

Mesickek, some 5 or 6 feet in length. 

Chigwusso, some 5 or 6 feet in length. 

Kokohockepuweo, the Lampron ; a foot in 

Tetszo, the mullett ; some 2 feet in length 

[Mullet Car., note by Sloane]. 
Arasemee, some 5 or 6 foote in length. 

[Two unnamed.] 

Chuwquareo, The black-bird. 

Weeheepens, The swallowe. 

Chuwhweeoo, somethinge bigger than a blaek- 

Meesquowns, almost as bigg as a Parratt. 
Quurucquaneo, a woodpicker ; as big as a 

Artamockes, The linguist; a bird that imitateth 

and useth the sounds and tones of almost all 

birds in the Countrie ; as big as a pigeon 

[Two unnamed.] 
Poocqueo, bigger than a thrush. 

Kowabetteo, some 5 or 6 foote in length. 
Keetrauk, some 2 & a half foote in length. 
Masunnehockeo, The olde-wyfe ; 2 foote in 

Memeskson [a lizard], foote in length. 
Tesiqueo, a kind of snake ; which the salvages, 

being rost or sodden, do eate ; some an elle 

Coppauleo, The sturgeon ; some 10, 11, 12, or 

13 foote in length. 
A swelling fish, 8 ynches in length. 
Manchauemec, some a foote in length. 

7 In an agreeable article, containing his " Loungings in the Footprints of the Pio- 
neers," in Harper's Magazine, May, 1860. 


be sheltered from the heavy winds by the bluffs and woods, 
without sacrificing facility of watch over the adjacent waters. 
To the north-west, the position commands the broad sweep of 
Albemarle ; to~ the north, Currituck ; on the east, Roanoke ; 
and, on the west, Croatan Sounds, — all leading directly to 
this point. Opposite the narrow neck which has replaced the 
inlet (through which Lane entered), and perhaps a mile from 
the fort, a fine look-out is afforded by the range of sand-hills 
before spoken of. These are fully as high as those scattered 
along the beach in front, and were obviously thrown up by 
the direct action of the waves rolling through the now oblite- 
rated inlet. 

" The trench is clearly traceable in a square of about forty 
yards each way. Midway of one side, another trench — per- 
haps flanking the gateway — runs in some fifteen or twenty 
feet ; and, on the right of the same face of the enclosure, the 
corner is apparently thrown out in the form of a small bastion. 
The ditch is generally two feet deep ; though, in many places, 
scarcely perceptible. The whole site is overgrown with pine, 
live-oak, vines, and a variety of other plants, high and low. 
A flourishing live-oak, draped with vines, stands sentinel near 
the centre. A fragment or two of stone or brick may be dis- 
covered in the grass, and then all is told of the existing relics 
of the city of Raleigh." 

With this little fort for their capital, Lane and his 
company of men remained until the 19th of June, 1586. 
At that time, Lane had satisfied himself that his settle- 
ment on Roanoke Island was badly placed, tie had no 
harbor, and he had no vessels fit for the navigation of 
those sounds. He had determined that Chesapeake 
Bay would afford a better position. Though many of 
the natives proved favorably disposed, he was at war 
with a very considerable number of them. They began 



to cut off his supplies of provisions, and his men were 
already feeding upon " casada " and oysters. On the 
8th of June, Sir Francis Drake, returning from the ex- 
pedition in the Caribbean Sea, in which Sir Philip 
Sidney had vainly attempted to join him, came on the 
coast, and, finding the distress of the Colony, attempted 
to relieve it. He instantly assented to Lane's requests 
for the supply of the Colony. He offered to leave the 
" Francis " (a bark of seventy tons), two pinnaces, and 
four small boats, with Lane, who wished to continue his 
discoveries till August, proposing then to return to 
England. Drake had lost seven hundred men, had 
made some prizes, and must have had vessels enough 
and room enough to spare. Before these arrangements 
for the supply of Lane's Colony were completed, the 
" Francis " was driven to sea in a gale. Drake then 
offered Lane the " Bonner," of one hundred and seventy 
tons : but the " Bonner " could not enter Lane's harbor ; 
and, on consultation with the captains and gentlemen of 
his company, he suddenly determined to abandon his 
plantation. They made a formal request to Drake for 
passage to England, — a request which he granted ; 
and they departed from that coast on the 18th of June. 
About fourteen or fifteen days after, Sir Walter Raleigh's 
first supply-ship ; soon after, Sir Richard Greenville, 
with three ships, bringing the stores which had been 
promised for the Colony, — arrived on the coast. Hav- 
ing vainly sought for the Colony, he landed fifteen men 
on the Island of Roanoke, plentifully provided for two 
years, and returned to England. 

Lane seems never to have made any attempt after- 


"wards to return to his American home. He certainly 
did not look back on his twelvemonth here with any 
great satisfaction. 

In a search through those parts of his after-corre- 
spondence which seemed to me most promising, I found 
only these references to his American life : — 

In 1586, he speaks of it in a memorial to the court as 
" some service of her majesty abroad, the same of some 
note and urgence." 

In a memorial afterwards, proposing some new me- 
thods of discipline in the army in Ireland, he says, — 

" Yet, nevertheless, myself was (by times) one whole year 
and a half under all the intemperate climates for heat and 
sickness, within ten degrees of the line, both at sea and land, 
bearing the second place under Sir Eichard Greenville ; 
where, having been permitted by him to set down a discipline 
which was severely executed, first at sea, and then after- 
wards by me, in like sort, continued at land, neither at sea nor 
at land we lost by sickness about . . . persons . . . 8 in one 
small caraque of her majestie's, called the " Tygre." 9 Where- 
in I appeal to the attestation of Sir Walter Raleigh, who 
received particular information of the same by Sir Richard 
Greenville himself, though he took the matter upon the worst 
effect absolutely to himself. My exceptions unto him for 
which, and for his engaging of me with my only squadre of 
xxv. soldiers and five Spanish prisoners, with mattocks and 
spades (at Cape Rosso, against the governor there, Diego 
Melinde3, with forty horse and 300 foot), to lade salt, where 
he told me I should find none to resent ; but, finding the 

8 Illegible. 

9 The flag-ship of Greenville's expedition, "of sevenscore tons." She was lost 
afterwards on the North-Carolina shore. — See p. 6. 


contrary, my telling him of it led to great unkindness after- 
ward on Lis part toward me." 1 

The transaction here alluded to is described in the 
narrative of Greenville's voyage, printed in Hakluyt, 2 
thus : — 

"The twenty-sixth clay [of May], our lieutenant, Master 
Ralph Lane, went, in one of the frigates which we had taken, 
to Roxo Bay, upon the south side of St. John's, to fetch salt ; 
being thither conducted by a Spanish pilot. As soon as he 
arrived there, he landed with his men, to the number of 
twenty, and intrenched himself upon the sands immediately, 
compassing one of their salt-hills within the trench. Who 
being seen of the Spaniards, there came down towards him 
two or three troops of horsemen and footmen, who gave 
him the looking and gazing on, but durst not come near him 
to offer any resistance ; so that Master Lane, maugre their 
troops, carried their salt aboard, and laded his frigate, and 
so returned again to our fleet the twenty-ninth day, which 
rode at St. G-erman's Bay." 

In Lane's account of this transaction we are perhaps 
to find the root of his dissension with Greenville, to 
which he alludes in his third letter to Walsingham. 
Perhaps some distrust of Greenville led to his other- 
wise inexplicable conduct in abandoning his Colony in 
1586, when Greenville was on his way to relieve it. 

His own account of his plans for that summer is in 
these words, in his Memoir to Raleigh: 3 — 

" Hereupon I resolved with myself, that if your supply 4 
had come before the end of April, and that you had sent any 

1 Lansdowne MS., lxix. 13. The date is Jan. 7, 1591-2. 

2 Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 308. 

3 Ibid., p. 313. 

* The stores and re-enforcements under Greenville. 


store of boats, or men to have had them made in any reasona- 
ble time, with a sufficient number of men, and victuals to have 
found us until the new corn were come in, I would have sent 
a small bark with, two pinnaces about the sea to the north- 
ward to have found out the bay he spake of, and to have 
sounded the bar, if there were any ; which should have rid- 
den there in the said bay about that island, while I, with all the 
small boats I could make, and with two hundred men, Avould 
have gone up to the head of the river Chawanook with the 
guides that Menatonon would have given me, which I would 
have been assured should have been his best men (for I had 
his best-beloved son prisoner with me) ; who also should 
have kept me company, in a hand-lock, with the rest, foot by 
foot, all the voyage over land. 

" My meaning was further, at the head of the river, in the 
place of my descent where I would have left my boats, to 
have raised a sconse, with a small trench, and a palisade upon 
the top of it ; in the which, and in the guard of my boats, I 
would have left five and twenty or thirty men. With the 
rest would I have marched, with as much victual as every 
man could have carried, with their furniture, mattocks, 
spades, and axes, two days' journey. In the end of my march, 
upon some convenient plot would I have raised another 
sconse, according to the former, where I would have left fif- 
teen or twenty ; and, if it would have fallen out conveniently 
in the way, I would have raised my said sconse upon some 
cornfield, that my company might have lived upon it. 

" And so I would have holden this course of insconsing 
every two days' march, until I had been arrived at the bay, 
or port, he spake of; which finding to be worth the posses- 
sion, I would there have raised a main fort, both for the 
defence of the harbour and our shipping also ; and would 
have reduced our whole habitation, from Roanoak and from 
the harbour and port there (which, by proof, is very naught), 
unto this other, before mentioned; from whence, in the four 


days' march before specified, could I at all times return with 
my company back unto my boats, lying under my sconse ; 5 
very near whereunto, directly from the west, runneth a most 
notable river, and in all those parts most famous, called the 
river of Moratoc. This river openeth into the broad sound 
of Weapomeiok. And whereas the river of Chawanook, and 
all the other sounds and bays, salt and fresh, show no cur- 
rent in the world in calm weather, but are moved altogether 
with the wind, this river of Moratoc hath so violent a current 
from the west and south-west, that it made me of opinion, that, 
with oars, it would scarce be navigable : it passeth with 
many creeks and turnings ; and, for the space of thirty miles' 
rowing and more, it is as broad as the Thames between Green- 
wich and the Isle of Dogs, — in some place more, and in 
some less. The current runneth as strong, being entered so 
high into the river, as at London Bridge, upon a vale 
water." 6 

The route which Lane thus proposed to himself to 
cross by land, to the mouth of the James River, would 
have passed to the east of the Dismal Swamp, and, so 
far as we can now see, would have been quite practica- 
ble : it is now traversed by several high roads. He 
also, it will be observed, proposed to reach by sea the 
island in Chesapeake Bay. 

5 That is, to the head of Chawanook, now Chowan River. The distinction is to he 
observed between the boats in the river, and the bark and pinnaces in Chesapeake 

6 That is, on a tide running with the current of the stream. This use of the word 
"vale" is not recognized in the popular dictionaries; but it did not escape Mr. Richard- 
son, who cites the passage in the text. It is not directly from " vale," a valley, but 
from the old verb " avale," to drop down. Gower uses the word thus : — 

" This vessel . . . hath his sail avaled." 

Avaler, with this meaning, is still good French. 


Dr. Hawks supposes the island referred to to have 
been Craney Island, near Norfolk. If Lane found such 
a harbor there as he hoped for, he proposed to have 
" reduced our whole habitation from Roanoak . . . unto 
this other before mentioned." He thus made the sug- 
gestion, which was followed twenty years after, of a 
Colony in Chesapeake Bay. 

His estimate of the worthlessness of Roanoke Island, 
and of the harbor which led to it, has been wholly con- 
firmed. It is almost as wild to-day as it was the day he 
left it. A long sand-spit shelters it from the sea. Such 
spits are known as " The Banks : " in that particular 
place, this has gained the nickname of " Arabia." The 
inlet through this spit, which Lane called Trinity Har- 
bor, has been wholly closed by the drifting sand since 
his day. The " banks " are now some miles wide in that 
place. Nag's Head, the seat of a watering-place, stands 
just south, apparently, of where the inlet opened. This 
inlet, according to White's narrative, must have been 
dangerous in Lane's time. The passage described by 
him as Hatorask had also been closed for more than a 
century ; but, in 1846, an inlet opened in that neigh- 
borhood, which is now a good deal used by small vessels. 
New Inlet, six or eight miles south of the southern end 
of the island, has opened since the days of the Co- 

I have called the abandonment of the plantation " in- 
explicable." But the discussion of what might have been, 
had a man like Capt. John Smith led the first Virginian 
Colony, or had Sir Philip Sidney himself, as he seems 
to have yearned to do, is scarcely profitable. We can 


hardly judge of Lane by what he did or by what he 
failed to do in this expedition. I have thought, that, as 
the first governor of any American Colony, he was a 
person of whose history and character we ought to 
know something more ; and I have therefore brought 
together, in an Appendix to this volume, a short memoir 
of him, prepared mostly from his own manuscripts, as 
they are preserved in different public collections in 

I have not found any thing of his in print, excepting 
the letters on America referred to above ; but one of 
my best authorities has the impression, that there is a 
printed tract by him. It is not named, however, in any 
catalogue at my command. 

I may save other inquirers some trouble by saying, 
that there was a Ralph Lane, a merchant of London, 
nearly his contemporary. One of his letters is preserved 
in the British Museum, among the Lansdowne Manu- 
scripts. The father and grandfather of the governor 
were both named Ralph. 

There are two letters by Ralph Lane printed by 
Mr. Ellis ; 7 but both seem to be by Sir Ralph, who 
died in 1540, father of the governor. The first is 
from Ralph Lane and Thomas Lee to the Lord 
Privy Seal, after searching the books of Dr. Lush, 
Vicar of Aylesbury, for matter inimical to the Refor- 
mation. This was written before Henry VIII.'s death. 
The second is said to be from " Ralph Lane the 
younger" to Lord Cromwell, March 23, 1540. In this 

7 Ellis's Original Letters, 3d series, 3d vol. 


year, Sir Ealph died ; but his son Balph could have 
been only thirteen years old at the utmost. The letters 
both show a very contemptible spirit ; and we are glad 
our Ralph cannot be charged with them. 

Gov. Lane's name is spelt Layne by Capt. John 
Smith, in the next generation. In Camden, he appears 
as Radulphus Lanus. In the ' ; Conversations Lexicon," 
art. " Tabac," he is called Raphelengi, by a queer blun- 
der. The writer had in mind, perhaps, the great printer, 
Raphelenge, Lane's contemporary. 

Ralph Lane was the agent in one victory, of which he 
never thought. He has one monument, as eternal as the 
world, though as transitory as other fame, which ought 
daily to recall his courage and adventure to grateful 
millions. He introduced tobacco into England. 8 

8 See Appendix A., at the end of the volume. 



The Colony under Lane had scarcely left Roanoke, 
when the ship freighted by Raleigh and his associates 
for their relief arrived there. Not finding the settlers, 
the commander returned to England. About a fortnight 
after, Sir Richard Greenville, with three other ships, 
arrived. Not finding either the ship sent in advance 
of him, or the Colony, he landed fifteen men, 1 with 
provisions for two years, and returned. The next year, 
three ships, with a re-enforcement, were sent out under 
the command of John White ; but they found none of 
the settlers, " excepting the bones of one man." Their 
Indian interpreter, Ma?iteo, learned that the others had 
had a conflict with the savages, and that the survivors 
had fled, the Indians knew not whither. The new com- 
pany proposed to avenge this loss, but, by accident, at- 
tacked a body of their own friends, of whom they killed 
one. Having established their settlement again, they 
sent White, the governor, back to England to procure 
their supplies in another voyage ; but the confusions at- 

1 Not fifty, as in Capt. John Smith's narrative. 

JL & A* v? «_? O JL 


tendant on the Armada prevented his return until 1589, 
though he seems to have spared no pains in attempt- 
ing it. Again the Colony was found deserted. A post 
marked Croatan in " fair capital letters " showed that 
the colonists had removed to that point, one well 
known: but there White could not follow them; and 
all our historians have regarded their history since as 

But, within a few years, there has appeared an intima- 
tion in the curious " History of Travaile into Virginia 
Britannia," by William Strachey, recently published by 
the Hakluyt Society, 2 that seven of these deserted 
colonists were afterwards rescued. The remarkable 
passage which seems to assert this fact is the follow- 

" At Peccarecamek and Ochanahoen, by the relation of 
Machumps, 3 the people have houses built with stone walls, 
and one story above another, so taught them by those English 
who escaped the slaughter at Roanoak, at what time this our 
Colony, under the conduct of Capt. Newport, landed within 
the Chesapeake Bay, where the people breed up tame turkeys 
about their houses, and take apes in the mountains ; and 
where, at Bitanoe, the Weroance Eyanoco preserved seven of 
the English alive — four men, two boys, and one young maid 4 
(who escaped, and fled up the river of Chanoke) — -to beat his 
copper, of which he hath certain mines at the said Bitanoe ; 
as also at Pamawauk are said to be store of salt-stones." 5 

2 From a manuscript in the British Museum, 1849. 

8 An Indian subsequently mentioned. 

4 Was this Virginia Dare, the first-born Anglo-American? She or " Harvie" 

are the only two on the list of that Colony, as White left it, who could have been spoken 
of as "maids " in 1607. There were boys, but no other girls, among them. 

« Page 28. 


It must be confessed that this tantalizing passage is 
very obscure. Some light, however, is thrown on it by 
the following passage, itself still more obscure, evidently 
founded on the same sources of information : — 

" Yet no Spanish intention shall be entertained by us ; 
neither hereby to root out the naturals, 6 but only to take 
from them these seducers ; . . . declaring unto the several 
Weroances, 7 and making the common people likewise to un- 
derstand, how that his majesty hath been acquainted that the 
men, women, and children of the first plantation at JRoanoak 
were, by practice and commandment of Powhatan (he himself 
persuaded thereunto by his priests), miserably slaughtered, 
Avithout any offence given him, either by the first planted 
(who twenty and odd years had peaceably lived intermixed 
with those savages, and were out of his territory), or by 
those who are now come," &c. 

These passages certainly state that the Roanoke 
colonists survived, intermixed with the savages, till after 
1607. The allusion in the first to Newport's arrival 
with the fleet that year seems to show that those seven 
persons there named knew of the arrival of that fleet. 
It would seem as if, by Powhatan's suggestion, these 
persons were, as late as 1609 or 1610, cut off by the 
savages. It is evident from a passage in Smith's narra- 
tive, 8 that, in 1608, no such tidings of them had been 
received. The allusions must be to the second " Roan- 
oak massacre ; " for among the fifteen left by Greenville 
were neither women nor children. 

In another place, Strachey says, speaking of John 

6 Aborigines. » Chiefs. 8 Smith, vol. i. pp. 192, 193. 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 37 

White's return to England in 1589, " They returned ; 
. . . neglecting thus these unfortunate and betrayed 
people, of whose end you shall yet hereafter read in 
due place in this decade." From this statement also, it 
is evident he had information which is now lost ; for the 
remainder of the decade, which is imperfect, does not 
contain it, as promised. Strachey's introduction makes 
the same promise in another form : " The poor planters 
afterward, as you shall read in the following discourse, 
came to a miserable and untimely destiny." 

The date of this paper of Strachey's is placed by Mr. 
Major, the accomplished editor, somewhere between 
1612 and 1616. Vague as the statements are, they 
certainly convey the idea that some of the Roanoke 
colonists communicated with those of James River ; per- 
haps escaped to them. Strachey is authority of the 
first character, having emigrated to Virginia, where he 
was Secretary of the Council in the Colony which sailed 
in 1609. He was himself among those shipwrecked at 
the Bermudas, and did not arrive in Virginia until 16 10. 9 

A tradition is mentioned by Lawson among the Hat- 
teras Indians, " that several of their ancestors were 
white people, and could talk from a book ; the truth of 
which is confirmed by gray eyes being among these 
Indians, and no others." 1 

Sir Walter Raleigh, however, had never forgotten 
Virginia. In 1589, he made an assignment from his 
patent to certain adventurers, which he hoped would 
secure a continuance of the settlement. As late as 

* See Purcha.?, vol. iv. 1 Lawson's History, &c. London, 1718. 


1602, he sent a vessel out to search for his lost colonists ; 
which returned unsuccessful. Henry, Earl of South- 
ampton, the same year sent Gosnold and Gilbert out; 
and Gosnold made his winter's settlement of 1602-3 on 
the most westerly of the Elizabeth Islands. 2 April 10, 
at the instance of Eichard Hakluyt and a few others, 
the king issued the patents under which the London 
company and the Plymouth companies were formed ; 3 
and on the 19th of December, 1606, an expedition con- 
sisting of three ships — one of a hundred tons, one of 
forty, and one of twenty — sailed from Blackwall to 
plant another Colony in Virginia. The expedition did 
not lose sight of England, however, for six weeks after- 
wards. It arrived in April in the Chesapeake, which 
Lane had indicated as the proper region for a Colony 
twenty-one years before ; and, on the 13th of May, the 
Colony of Jamestown was begun. 4 The intermediate 
time had been spent in a voyage to the West Indies, 
where plants, seeds, and roots for the expedition had 
been procured ; a fact which we learn for the first time 
from the narrative now published. 

The celebrated Capt. John Smith, afterwards the 
commander of this Colony, after describing the first 
buildings, says, — 

" Newport, Smith, and twenty others, were sent to discover 
the head of the river. By divers small habitations they passed, 

2 The point was ascertained, with relics of Gosnold's settlement, hy Dr. Belknap, 
with a Committee of the Massachusetts Historical Society, in 1797 (see Belknap, art. 
" Gosnold;" and North- American Review, vol v. p. 316). This fact has escaped the 
attention of Mr. Major, who has so admirably edited Strachey's " Virginia " for the 
Hakluyt Society. 

3 See Archasologia Americana, vol. iii. p. xii. 

4 Smith's " Virginia," book iii. chap, i, 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 39 

in six days they arrived at a town called Powhatan, consist- 
ing of some twelve houses pleasantly situated on a hill : before 
it, three fertile isles ; about it, many of their cornfields. The 
place is very pleasant, and strong by nature. Of this place, 
the prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans. To 
this place the river is navigable ; but higher, within a mile, 
by reason of the rocks and isles, there is not a passage for a 
small boat : this they call the Falls. The people in all parts 
kindly entreated them ; till, being returned within twenty 
miles of James Town, they gave just cause of jealousy." 5 

Of this expedition, a full account is given in the fol- 
lowing full and curious paper. Two shorter narratives, 
from the same pen apparently, describe the country and 
the people. None of them have, till now, been pub- 
lished. They have been preserved in the English State- 
paper Office. We print from the copy made under 
direction of Hon. George Bancroft. 

5 Smith, as above. 



May [1607]. 


May 21. — Thursday, the 21st of May, Capt. Newport 
(having fitted our shallop with provision and all necessaryes 
belonging to a discovery) tooke five gentlemen, four maryners, 
and fourteen saylors ; with whome he proceeded, with a per- 
fect resolutyon not to returne, but either to finde the head 
of this ryver, the laake mentyoned by others heretofore, the 
sea againe, the mountaynes Apalatsi, 3 or some issue. 

The names of the dyscoverers are thes : — 

Capt. Christop. Newport. 

George Percye, Esq. 
Capt. Gabriell Archer. 
Capt. Jhon Smyth. 
Mr. Jhon Brooks. 
Mr. Tlio. Wotton. 

Francys Nellson, "| 


John Collson, 

Robert Tyndall, 4 \ Ma n/nera. 

Mathevv Fytch, 

1 State-paper Office. " America and West Indies." 

2 " Capt. Christopher Newport, a mariner well practised for the western parts of 
America." — Smith, book iii. chap. i. He had made other voyages to America before, 
and his name constantly appears afterwards. Newport News, " the sister promontory 
to Jamestown," at the opening of James River into Hampton Roads, takes his name. 
(See a sketch of it in Mr. Edward C. Bruce's agreeable paper, " Louugings in the 
Footprints of the Pioneers," Harpers' Monthly Magazine, May, 1859.) Capt. Newport 
was one of the Council. 

3 The first appearance of the name " Appalachian." 

4 Tindal's Point is named on Smith's map, at the mouth of York River. It is the 
Quarter Point of the Coast Survey. 


1. Jonas Poole. 2. Robert Markbam. 

3. Jobn Crookdeck. 4. Olyver Browne. 


Benjamyn White. 


Rych. Genoway. 


Tho. Turnbrydg. 


Tho. Godword. 


Robert Jackson. 


Charles Clarke. 


Stephen [sic]. 


Thomas Skynner. 


Jeremy Deale. 


Danyell [sic]. 

Thus from James Fort we took our leave about noone ; 
and by nigbt we were up the ryver thirteen myle, at a lowe 
meadow point, which I call Wynauk. 5 Here came the people, 
and entertayned us with daunces and much rejoycing. This 
kyngdome Wynauk is full of pearle muskles. The Kyng of 
Paspeiouh and this king is at odds, as the Paspeians tould 
me, and demonstrated by their hurts. Here we anckored all 

May 22, Fryday. ■ — Omitting no tyme, we passed up some 
sixteen myle further, where we founde an ilet, 6 on which were 
many turkeys, and greate store of young byrdes like black- 
birdes ; whereof wee tooke dyvers, which wee brake our fast 
withall. Now, spying eight salvages in a canoa, we haled 
them by our worde of kyndnes, " Wingapoh ;" 7 and they came 
to us. In conference by signes with them, one seemed to 
understand our intentyon, and offred with his foote to de- 
scribe the river to us : so I gave him a pen and paper (show- 
ing first the use), and he layd out the whole river from the 
Chesseian Bay 8 to the end of it, so farr as passadg was for 
boats. He tolde us of two iletts in the ryver we should 

5 Weanock, on Smith's map, is at the junction of the Appomatox and James Rivers, 
nearly thirty miles above Jamestown. This must be the point meant by this writer. 
Even with this emendation of his distances, he makes the falls but eighty-eight miles 
above Jamestown; which was about fifty from the bay: yet he puts the falls one hun- 
dred and sixty from the bay. 

e > Perhaps Farrar's Island (see Coast Survey); but, according to Mr. Bruce, this 
was naturally a peninsula. One of the small islands on the river still bears the name 
of Turkey Island; and if Wyanauk, or Weanock, is to be placed at the mouth of 
the Appomatox, this is not Eppes's Island. 

7 " My good friend, or friends." 8 Chesapeake. 



passe by, — meaning that one whereon we were, 1 — and then 
come to an overfall of water ; beyond that, of two kyngdomes 
which the ryver runnes by ; then, a greate distaunce of, the 
mountaines Quirauk, as he named them ; beyond which, by 
his relation, is that which we expected. This fellow, parting 
from us, promised to procure us wheate, if we woulde stay a 
little before ; and, for that intent, went back again to provide 
it : but we, coming by the place where he was, with many 
more very desirous of our company, stayd not, as being eagre 
of our good tydings. He, notwithstanding, with two wemen 
and another fellow of his owne consort, followed us some sixe 
mile with baskets full of dryed oysters, and mett us at a 
point, Avhere, calling to us, we went ashore, and bartred with 
them for most of their victualls. Here the shoare began to 
be full of greate cobble-stones and higher land. The ryver 
skants of his breadth two mile before we come to the ilet 
mentyoned (which I call Turkey He), yet keepes it a quarter 
of a mile broade most comonly, and depe water for shipping. 
This fellow, with the rest, overtooke us agayne upon the 
doubling of another point. Now, they had gotten mulberyes, 
little sweete nutts like acorns (a verye good fruite), wheate, 
beanes, and mulberyes, sodd together, and gave us. Some of 
them desired to be sett over the ryver ; which we dyd, and 
they parted. Now we passed a reach of three mile and a 
half in length, highe stony grownd on Popham 2 syde, five or 
sixe fadome, eight oares' length, from the shoare. This daye 
we went about thirty-eight mile, 3 and came to an ankre at a 
place I call Poore Cottage; 4 where we went ashore, and were 
used kyndly by the people. Wee sodd our kettle by the 
water-syde within nighte, and rested aboorde. 

1 The other is, perhaps, Farrar's Isle. 

' 2 Popham side and Salisbury side are the names the writer gives to the two shores 
of the river. 

8 From their first anchorage. 

* Perhaps near " Haxall" of the Coast Survey. 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 43 

May 23, Satturday. — We passed a few short reaches; and, 
five mile of Poore Cottage, we went ashore. Heer we found 
our kinde comrads againe, who had gyven notice all along as 
they came of us ; by which we were entertayned with much 
courtesye in every place. We found here a wiroans (for so 
they call their kyngs), who satt upon a matt of reeds, with 
his people about him. He caused one to be layd for Capt. 
Xewport ; gave us a deare roasted, which, according to 
their custome, they seethed againe. His people gave us 
mullberyes, sodd wheate, and beanes ; and he caused his 
weomen to make cakes for us. He gave our captain his 
crowne ; which was of deare's hayre, dyed redd. Certi- 
fying him of our intentyon up the ryver, he was willing to 
send guydes with us. This we found to be a kyng subject 
to Pawatah 5 (the chiefe of all the kyngdomes). His name is 
Arahatec ; the country, Arahatecoh. 6 Now, as we satt merye 
banquetting with them, seeing their dauncs and taking 
tobacco, newes came that the greate Kyng Powatah was 
come : at whose presence they all rose of their matts (save 
the Kyng Arahatec), separated themselves aparte, in fashion 
of a guard ; and, with a long shout, they saluted him. Him 
wee saluted with silence ; sitting still on our matts, our cap- 
tain in the myddest ; but presented (as before we dyd to Kyng 
Arahatec) gyftes of dyvers sorts — as penny-knyves, sheeres, 
belles, beades, glasse toyes, &c. — more amply then before. 
Xow, this king appointed five men to guyde us up the river, 
and sent posts before to provyde us victuall. I caused now 
our kynde consort, that described the river to us, to draw 
it againe before Kyng Aratahec, 7 who in every thing con- 
sented to this draught ; and it agreed with his first relatyon. 
This we found a faythfull fellow : he was one that was ap- 
pointed guyde for us. Thus parting from Aratahec's Joye, 

5 Powhatan, in Smith and later writers. 

6 Oh indicates locality; or, perhaps, "the people of." 7 Sic. 


we found the people on either syde the rjver stand in clus- 
ters all along, still proferring us victualls ; which of some 
were accepted, as our guyds (that were with us in the boate) 
pleased, and gave them requitall. So, after we had passed 
some ten myle, which (by the pleasure and joye we tooke of 
our kinde intertejmment, and for the comfort of our happy and 
hopefull discovery) we accompted scarce five, we came to the 
second ilet described in the ryver ; over against which, on 
Popham syde, is the habitatyon of the greate Kyng Pawatah, 
which 1 call Pawatah's Tower. It is scituat upon a highe 
hill by the water-syde ; a playne betweene it and the water, 
twelve score over, whereon he sowes his wheate, beane, 
peaze, tobacco, pompions, gowrds, hempe, flaxe, &c. : and, 
were any art used to the naturall state of this place, it would 
be a goodly habitatyon. 8 Heere we were conducted up the 
hill to the kyng ; with whome we found our kinde Kyng Ara- 
tahec. Thes two satt by themselves aparte from all the rest 
(save one who satt by Powatah ; and what he was I could 
not gesse, but they told me he was no wiroans). Many of his 
company satt on either syde ; and the matts for us were layde 
right over against the kynge's. He caused his weomen to 
bring us vittailes, mulberyes, strawberryes, &c. ; but our best 
entertaynment was frendly wellcome. In discoursing with 
him, we founde that all the kyngdomes from the 9 . . . were 
frends Avith him, and, to use his owne worde, cheisc ; which 

8 The writer's opinion has been confirmed in the course of two centuries and a 
half. Mr. Bruce, whose paper we have cited, gives a picture of Powhatan, the -seat 
now occupied on the site of the royal farm here described. He says Smith's brief 
description is of itself ample to identify the locality. The falls are about a mile 
above: directly in front are the three islands; though one of them has been reduced by 
freshets to the humble station of a sand-bar. Of this there can be no question; since 
no other islands exist between the falls and the immediate neighborhood of the Appo- 
matox, a distance of forty miles. " For considerably more than a century, Powhatan, 
as it is still styled, has been in the hands of the same family. Taste, time, and wealth 
have combined to enhance the natural beauty of the spot." — Harpers' Magazine, 
vol. xviii. p. 743. 

3 Erased in original. 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 45 

is, " all one with, him or under him." Also wee perceived the 
Chessipian to be an eneraye generally to all thes kyngdomes : 
upon which I tooke occasion to signifye our displeasure with 
them also : making it knowne that we refused to plant in their 
countrys ; that we had warres with them also, shewing hurts 
scarce whole, received by them ; for which we vowed re- 
venge after their manner, pointing to the sunne. Further, 
we certifyed him that we were friends with all his people and 
kyngdomes ; neither had any of them offred us ill, or used 
us unkyndly. Hereupon he (very well understanding, by the 
wordes and signes we made, the significatyon of our mean- 
ing) moved, of his owne accord, a league of fryndship with 
us ; which our captain kyndly imbraced, and, for concluding 
thereof, gave him his gowne, put it on his back himselfe, and, 
laying his hand on his breast, saying " Wingapoh chemuze " (the 
most kynde wordes of salutatyon that may be), he satt downe. 
Xow, the day drawing on, we made signe to be gone ; where- 
with he was contented, and sent six men with us : we also 
left a man with him, and departed. But now, rowing some 
three myle in shold water, we came to an overfall, impassible 
for boates any further. Here the water falles doAvne through 
great mayne rocks from ledges of rocks above, two fadome 
highe ; in which fall it maketh divers little iletts, on which 
might be placed a hundred water-milnes for any uses. Our 
mayne ryver ebbs and flowes four foote, even to the skert of 
this downfall : shippes of two hundred or three hundred 
toone may come to within five myle hereof, and the rest 
deepe inoughe for barges or small vessells that drawe not 
above six foote water. 1 Having viewed this place, betweene 
content and greefe, we left it for this night, determyning the 
next day to fitt ourselfe for a march by land. So we road 
all night betweene Pawatah's Tower and that ilet I call 2 . . ., 

1 Thi3 description very perfectly indicates the fall at the city of Richmond. 

2 He has not given it any name: the manuscript is hlank. It is the island opposite 


whereon is six or seven families. One of our guydes which 
we had from Arahatac's Joy, whose name was Navirans, and 
now we found to be broth er-in-lawe to Kyng Arahatec, desired 
to sleepe in the boate Avith us. We permitted him, and used 
him with all the kyndnes we coulde. He proved a very 
trustye frend, as after is declared. Now we sent for our man 
to Pawatah ; who, coming, tolde us of his entertaynment, ■ — ■ 
how they had prepared matts for him to lye on, gave him 
store of victualls, and made as much on him as coulde be. 

May 24, Sunday, Whit-Sunday. — Our captayne caused two 
peecs of porke to be socld ashore with pease, to which he in- 
vyted Kyng Pawatah ; for Arahatec, perswading himselfe we 
would come downe the ryver that night, went home before 
dynner for preparation against our coming. But in presence 
of them both it fell out, that, we missing two bullet-baggs, 
which had shott and dyvers trucking toyes in them, we com- 
playned to their kynges, who instantly caused them all to be- 
restored, not wanting any thing : howbeit, they had devyded 
the shott and toyes to (at least) a dozen severall persons, and 
those also in the ilet over the water. One also, having stollen 
a knyfe, brought it againe upon this commande, before we sup- 
posed it lost, or had made any signe of it. So Capt. Newport 
gave thanks to the kyngs, and rewarded the theeves with 
the same toyes they had stollen, but kept the bullets ; yet 
he made knowne unto them the custome of England to be 
death for such offences. 

Now Arahatec departed ; and, it being dynner-tyme, Kyng 
Pawatah, with some of his people, satt with us, — brought of 
his dyet, — and we fedd familiarly without sitting in his state 
as before. He eat very freshly of our meate ; dranck of our 
beere, aquavite, and sack. Dynner done, we entred into dis- 
course of the ryver : how far it might be to the head therof, 
where they gat their copper and their iron ; and how many 
dayes' iourneye it was to Monanacah Rahowacah and the 
mountains Quirauk ; requesting him to have guydes with us, 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 47 

also, in our intended march ; for our captaine determyned 
to have travelled two or three dayes' journye afoote up the 
ryver. But, without gyving any answer to our demands, he 
shewde he would meete us himselfe at the overfall ; and so 
we parted. This Navirans accompanyed us still in the boate. 
According to his promyse, he mett us ; where the fellow 
whome I have called our kynde consort, he that followed us 
from Turkey He, at the coming of Pawatah made signe to 
us we must make a shoute ; which we dyd. Now, sitting 
upon the banck by the overfall, beholding the sonne, 8 he be- 
gan to tell us of the tedyous travell we should have if wee 
proceeded any further ; that it was a daye and a halfe jorney 
to Monanacah ; and, if we went to Quirauck, 4 we should get 
no vittailes, and be tyred ; and sought by all meanes to dis- 
swade our captayne from going any further. Also he tolde 
us that the Monanacah was his enemye ; and that he came 
downe at the fall of the leafe, and invaded his countrye. 
Now, what I conjecture of this I have left to a further ex- 
perience. But our captayne, out of his discretyon (though 
we would faine have seene further ; yea, and himselfe as de- 
sirous also), checkt his intentyon, and retorned to his boate ; 
as holding it much better to please the kyng (with whome, 
and all of his command, he had made so faire way) then to 
prosecute his owne fancye or satisfye our requests. So, upon 
one of the little iletts at the mouth of the falls, he sett up a 
crosse, with this inscriptyon, — " Iacobus, Rex, 1607 ; " and his 
owne name belowe. At the erecting hereof, we prayed for 
our kyng, and our owne prosperous succes in this his actyon ; 
and proclaymed him kyng with a greate showte. The Kyng 
Pawatah was now gone (and, as we noted, somewhat distasted 
with our importunity of proceeding up further), and all the 
salvages likewise, save Navirans ; who, seeing us set up a 

3 The sun; or, perhaps, "looking westward." 
* The Blue Ridge, as above. 


crosse with such a shoute, began to admire : but our captayne 
told him that the two armes of the crosse sygnifyed Kyng 
Pawatah and himselfe ; the fastening of it in the myddest 
was their united leaug ; 5 and the shoute, the reverence he 
dyd to Pawatah ; which cheered Navirans not a litle. Also 
(which I have omytted) our captayne, before Pawatah de- 
parted, shewed him, that, if he would, he would give the 
wiroans of Monanacah into his hands, and make him king of 
that country ; making signes to bring to his ayde five hun- 
dred men : which pleased the kyng muche ; and upon this 
(I noted) he told us the tyme of the yere when his enemyes 
assaile him. So farr as we could discerne the river above the 
overfall, it was full of huge rocks. About a myle of, it makes 
a pretty bigg iland. It runnes up betweene highe hilles, 
which increase in height, one above another, so farr as wee 
sawe. Now, our kynde consort's relatyon sayth (which I 
dare well beleeve, in that I found not any one report false of 
the river so farr as we tryed, or that he told us untruth 
in any thing els whatsoever), that, after a daye's jorney or 
more, this river devyds itselfe into two branches, which both 
wind from the mountaynes Quirauck. Here he whispered 
with me, that their caquassun 6 was gott in the bites of rocks, 
and betweene cliffs in certayne vaynes. Having ended thus, 
of force, our discovery, our captayne intended to call of Kyng 
Pawatah : and, sending Navirans up to him, he came downe 
to the water-syde, where he went ashore single unto him ; 
presented him with a hatchet ; and staying but till Navirans 
had tolde (as we trewly perceived) the meaning of our set- 
ting up the crosse, which we found dyd exceedingly rejoyce 
him, he came aboorde with the kyndest farewell that pos- 
sible might be. Now, at our putting off the boate, Navi- 
rans willed us to make a shout ; which we dyd two severall 
times : at which the kyng and his company weaved their 

s Sic. 6 " Red-stone," or copper. 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 49 

skinnes about their beads, answering our sbout with gladnes, 
in a frendly fashion. Tbis night (though late) we came to 
Arahatec Joy, where we found the kyng ready to entertayne 
us, and had provided some victualls for us : but he tolde us 
he was very sick, 7 and not able to sitt up long with us ; so 
we repaired aborde. 

May 25. — Monday, he came to the water-syde ; and we 
went ashore to him agayne. He tolde us that our hott 
dryncks, he thought, caused his greefe ; but that he was well 
agayne, and Ave were very wellcome. He sent for another 
deere ; which was roasted, and after sodd for us (as before). 
Our captayne caused his dynner to be dressed ashore also. 
Thus we satt banquetting all tbe forenoone. Some of his 
people led us to their houses ; shewed us the growing of 
their corne, and the maner of setting it; gave us tobacco, 
wallnuts, mulberyes, strawberryes, and respises. 8 One shewed 
us the herbe called, in their tongue, wisacan ; which they say 
heales poysoned wounds. It is like lyverwort, or bloudwort. 
One gave me a roote wherewith they poisen their arrowes. 
They would shew us any thing we demaunded ; and laboured 
very much, by signes, to make us understand their languadg. 

Navirans, our guyde and this kyng's brother, made a com- 
plaint to Aratahec, that one of his people prest into our boate 
too vyolently upon a man of ours ; which Capt. Newport (un- 
derstanding the pronenes of his owne men to such injuryes), 
misconstruing the matter, sent for his owne man, bound him 
to a tree before Kyng Arahatec, and, with a cudgell, soundly 
beate him. The kyng, perceiving the error, stept up, and 
stayde our captayne's hand : and, sytting still a while, he 
spyed his owne man that did the injurye ; upon which he 
silently rose, and made towards the fellow. He, seeing him 
come, run away : after ran the kyng, so swiftly, as, I assure 

' This does not seem strange, when we consider the unwonted refreshment the poor 
king had had at dinner. This goes far to account for his gloom of the afternoon. (See 
the next day's narrative.) 8 Raspberries. 



myselfe, he myght gyve any of our company six score in 
twelve. With the kyng ran also dyvers others ; who, all re- 
turning, brought cudgells and wands in their hands, all to be 
leived 9 as if they had beaten him extreamly. 

At dynner, our captayne gave the kyng a glasse, and some 
aquavitse therein ; shewing him the benefytt of the water : 
for which he thanckt him kindly. And, taking our leave of 
him, he promised to meete us at a point not farr of, where he 
hath another house : which he performed withall ; sending 
men into the woods to kill a dere for us, if they could. This 
place I call Mulbery Shade. He caused here to be prepared 
for us pegatewk-apijan ; which is bread of their wheat, made 
in rolles and cakes. This the weomeri make, and are very 
clenly about it. We had parched meale, excellent good ; sodd 
beanes, which eate as sweete as filbert kernells, in a maner ; 
strawberryes ; and mulberyes were shaken off the tree, drop- 
ping On our heads as we satt. He made ready a land-turtle, 
which we eate ; and shewed that he was hartely rejoyced in 
our company. He was desirous to have a musket shott off", 
shewing first the maner of their owne skirmishes ; which, 
we perceive, is violent, cruell, and full of celerity. They use 
a tree to defend them in fight ; and, having shott an enemy 
that he falls, they maull him with a short wodden sworde. 
Our captayne caused a gentleman discharge his peece, soul- 
dyer-like, before him : at which noyse he started, stopt his 
eares, and exprest much feare ; so, likewise, all about him. 
Some of his people, being in our boate, leapt overboorde at 
the wonder hereof. But our course of kyndnes after, and 
letting him to witt that wee never use this thunder but 
against our enemy es, yea, and that we would assist him with 
thes to terrify and kill his adversaryes, he rejoyced the more : 
and we found it bred a better affectyon in him towards us ; so 
that, by his signes, we understood he would or long be with 

9 Probably intended for " beleived." 


us at our fort. Capt. Newport bestowed on him a redd wast- 
cote, which highly pleased him ; and so departed, gyving him 
also two shouts as the boate went of. This night we went 
some 1 . . . mile, and ankored at a place I call Kynd Woman's 
Care ; which is 2 . . . mile from Mulbery Shade. Here we 
came within night : yet was there ready for us of bread new- 
made, sodden wheate, and beanes, mulberyes, and some fishe 
undressed ; more then all we could eate. Moreover, thes peo- 
ple seemed not to crave any thing in requitall : howbeit, our 
captain voluntarily distributed guifts. 

May 26, Tuesday. — We parted from Kynd Woman's Care, 
and, by directyon of Navirans (who still accompanyed in 
the boate with us), went ashore at a place I call Queene 
Apumatec's Bowre. He caryed us along through a plaine 
lowe ground prepared for seede, part whereof had been 
lately cropt : and, assending a pretty hill, we sawe the queene 
of this country cominge in selfesame fashion of state as Pa- 
watah or Arahatec ; yea, rather with more majesty. She had 
an usher before her, who brought her to the matt prepared 
under a faire mulbery-tree ; where she satt her downe by her- 
selfe, with a stayed countenance. She would permitt none 
to stand or sitt neere her. She is a fatt, lustie, manly wo- 
man. She had much copper about her neck ; a crownet of 
copper upon her hed. She had long, black haire, which 
hanged loose downe her back to her myddle ; which only 
part was covered with a deare's skyn, and ells all naked. She 
had her woemen attending on her, adorned much like herselfe 
(save they wanted the copper). Here we had our accustomed 
eates, tobacco, and wellcome. Our captain presented her 
with guyfts liberally ; whereupon shee cheered somewhat 
her countenance, and requested him to shoote off a peece ; 
whereat (wee noted) she shewed not neere the like feare as 
Arahatec, though he be a goodly man. She had much corne 

1 Blank in original. 2 Sic. 


in the ground. She is subject to Pawatah, as the rest are ; 
yet, within herselfe, of as greate authority as any of her 
neighbour wyoances. Capt. Newport stayd here some two 
houres, and departed. 

Now, leaving her, Naviras 3 dyrected us to one of Kyng 
Pomaunche's howses, some five myle from the queene's bower. 
Here we were entertayned with greate joye and gladnes ; the 
people falling to daunce, the weomen to preparing vitailles. 
Some boyes were sent to dive for muskles. They gave us 
tobacco, and very kyndly saluted us. 

This kyng (sitting in maner of the rest) so set his counte- 
nance, stryving to be stately, as, to our seeing, he became 
foole. Wee gave him many presents, and certifyed him of our 
jorney to the falles; our league with the greate kyng, Powatak; 
a most certayne frendship with Arahatec, and kynde enter- 
taynment of the queene ; that we were professed enemyes to 
the Chessepians, and would assist Kyng Powatak against the 
Monanacans. With this he seemed to be much rejoyced, and 
he would have had our captayne staye with him all night : 
which he refused not, but, single with the kyng, walked above 
two flight shott; shewing thereby his trew meaning, without 
distrust or feare. Howbeit, we followed aloofe of; and, com- 
ing up to a gallant mulbery-tree, we found divers preparing 
vittailes for us : but, the kyng seeing our intentyon was to 
accompany our captaine, he altered his purpose, and weaved 
us in kyndness to our boate. This Wyroans Pamaunche I 
holde to inhabite a rych land of copper and pearle. His 
country lyes into the land to another ryver ; which, by rela- 
tyon and descriptyon of the salvages, comes also from the 
mountaynes Quirauk, but a shorter jorney. The copper he 
had, as also many of his people, was very flexible. I bowed 
a peece of the thicknes of a shilling rounde about my finger, as 
if it had been lead. I found them nice in parting with any. 

s Sic. 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 53 

They weare it in their eai'es, about their necks in long lyncks, 
and in broade plats on their heads. So we made no greate 
enquyry of it, neither seemed desirous to have it. The kyng 
had a chaine of pearle about his neck, thrice double, the third 
parte of them as bygg as pease ; which I could not valew 
lesse worth than three or four hundred pounds, had the pearle 
ben taken from the muskle as it ought to be. His kyngdome 
is full of deare (so also is moste of all the kyngdomes). He 
hath (as the rest likewise) many ryche furres. This place I 
call Pamaunche's Pallace ; bowbeit, by Nau varans his wordes, 
the Kyng of Winauk is possessor hereof. The platt of 
grownd is bare, without wood, some hundred acres ; where 
are set beanes, wheate, peaze, tobacco, gourds, pompions, and 
other thinges unknowne to us in our tongue. Now, having 
left this kyng in kyndnes and frendship, we crossed over the 
water to a sharpe point ; which is parte of Winauk, on Salis- 
bury syde (this I call Careless Point). Here some of our 
men went ashore with Navirans ; mett ten or twelve salvages, 
who offering them neither victualls nor tobacco, they requit- 
ted their courtesy with the like, and left them. This night 
we came to Point Winauk ; right against which we rested all 
night. There was an olde man with King Pamaunche (which 
I omitted in place to specify), who we understood to be a 
hundred and ten yere olde ; for Navirans, with being with us 
in our boate, had learned me so much of the languadg, and 
was so excellently ingenious in signing out his meaning, that 
I could make him understand me, and perceive him also 
wellny 4 in any thing. But this knowledge our captain gott 
by taking a bough, and, singling off the leaves, let one drop 
after another, saying, " Caische ; " which is, " ten." So, first, 
Xaviras 4 tooke eleven beanes, and tolde them to us, pointing 
to this olde fellow ; then a hundred and ten beanes ; by which 
he awnswered to our demaund for ten yeres a beane, and also 

4 Sic. 


every yere by itselfe. This was a lustye olde man, of a 
sterne countenance, tall and streight ; had a thinne, white 
beard ; his armes overgrowne Avith white haires ; and he went 
as strongly as any of the rest. 

May 27, Wensday. — We went ashore at Point Winauk, 
where Navirans caused them to goe a-fishing for us ; and they 
brought us, in a shorte space, good store. Thes seemed our 
good frindes. But (the cause I know not) heere Navirans 
tooke some conceyt ; and though he shewed no discontent, 
yet would he by no meanes goe any further with us ; saying 
he would but goe up to Kyng Aratahek, and then, within 
some three dayes after, he would see us at our fort. This 
greeved our captayne very deeply ; for the loving-kyndnes of 
this fellow was such, as he trusted himselfe with us out of his 
owne country, intended to come to our forte, and, as wee 
came, he would make frendship for us before he would lett 
us goe ashore at any place, being (as it seemed) very carefull 
of our safety. So our captayne made all haste home ; deter- 
mining not to stay in any place, as fearing some disastrous 
happ at our forte. Which fell out as we expected, thus : 
After our departure, they seldome frequented our forte, but 
by one or two single now and then, practising upon opor- 
tunity, now in our absence, perceiving there secure caryadg 
in the forte. And the 26th of May, being the day before our 
returne, there came above two hundred of them, with their 
kyng, and gave a very furious assault to our forte ; endaun- 
gering their overthrowe, had not the shippe's ordinance, with 
their small shott, daunted them. They came up allmost into 
the forte ; shott through the tents ; appeared in this skirmishe 
(which indured hott about an hower) a very valiant people. 
They hurt us eleven men (whereof one dyed after), and killed 
a boy ; yet perceived they not this hurt in us. We killed 
dyvers of them ; but one wee sawe them tugg of on their 
backs, and how many hurt we knowe not. A little after, 
they made a huge noyse in the woods ; which our men sur- 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 55 

mised was at the burying of their slayne men. Foure of the 
counsell, 5 that stood in front, were hurt in mayntayning the 
forte ; and our president, Mr. Wynckfeild 6 (who shewed him- 
selfe a valiant gentleman), had one shott cleane through his 
bearde, yet scaped hurte. 

Thus, having ended our discovery, — which we hope may 
tend to the glory of God, his majeste's renowne, our countrye's 
profy tt, our owne advauncing, and fame to all posterity, — we 
settled ourselves to our owne safety, and began to fortefye ; 
Capt. Newport, worthely of his owne accord, causing his 
seamen to ayde us in the best parte therof. 

28, Thursday. — We laboured pallozdoing " our forte. 

29, Fryday. — The salvages gave on againe, but with more 
feare ; not daring approche scarce within musket-shott. They 
hurt not any of us ; but, finding one of our doggs, they killed 
him. They shott above forty arrowes into and about the 

30, Satterday. — We were quyet. 

Sunday. — They came lurking in the thickets and long 
grasse, and a gentleman, one Eustace Clovell, unarmed, strag- 
ling without the forte, shott six arrowes into him ; wherewith 
he came runinge into the fort, crying, " Arme, arme ! " thes 
stycking still. He lyved eight dayes, and dyed. The sal- 
vages stayed not, but run away. 

June 1, Monday. — Some twenty appeared; shott dyvers 
arrowes at randome, which fell short of our forte, and rann 

2, Tuesday ; 3, Wensday. — Quyet ; and wrought upon for- 
tification, clapboord, and setting of corne. 

4, Thursday. — By breake of day, three of them had most 
adventurously stollen under our bullwark, and hidden them- 
selves in the long grasse. Spyed a man of ours going out to 

5 There were only five of the council in the fort, — Gosnold, Wingfield, Martin, 
Ratcliffe, and Kendall. Smith and Newport were absent with the exploring party. 

6 Winfrfield. ' Palisadoing. 


doe naturall necessity ; shott him in the head, and through 
the clothes in two places, but missed the skynne. 

5, Friday.' — Quyet. 

6, Satterday. — There being among the gentlemen and all 
the company a murmur and grudg against certayne pre- 
posterous proceedings and inconvenyent courses, put up a 
petytion to the counsell for reformatyon. 

7, Sonday. — No accydent. 

8, Monday. — Mr. Clovell dyed, that was shott with six 
arrowes sticking in him. This afternoone, two salvages pre- 
sented themselves unarmed afarr of, crying, " Wingapoh ! " 
There were also three more, having bowe and arrowes. These, 
we conjectured, came from some of those kyngs with whome 
we had perfect league : but one of our gentlemen, garding in 
the woods, and having no commandement to the contrary, 
shott at them ; at which (as their custome is) they fell downe, 
and after run away. Yet farther of, we heard them cry, 
"Wingapoh ! " notwithstanding. 

9, Tuesday. — In cutting downe a greate oke for clapboard, 
there issued out of the hart of the tree the quantity of two 
barricoes of liquor, 8 in taste as good as any vyneger, save a 
little smack it tooke of the oke. 

10, Wensday. — 'The counsell scanned the gentlemen's pe- 
tityon ; wherein Capt. Newport, shewing himselfe no lesse 
carefull of our amitye and combyned frendship then became 
him in the deepe desire he had of our good, vehemently 
with ardent affectyon wonne our harts by his fervent per- 
swasyon to uniformity of consent, and callmed that (out of 
our love to him) with ease, which I doubt, without better 
satisfactyon, had not contentedly ben caryed. We confirmed 

8 This was probably an impure pyrolignous acid, formed from the decomposition 
of the wood. The discovery of such acid in hollow trees is not unusual. The sur- 
prise expressed at it is one more indication that the colonists of this party were not 
versed deeply in the mysteries of wood-cutting. Smith complains afterwards, that 
four carpenters and fifty gentlemen made up one party of emigrants. 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 57 

a faythfull love one to another, and, in our hartes, subscribed 
an obedyence to our superyors this day. Capt. Smyth was 
this day sworne one of the counsell, who was elected in 

11, Thursday. — Articles and orders for gentlemen and sol- 
dyers were upon the court of garde, and content was in the 

12, Fryday. — Cutting downe another tree, the like acci- 
dent of vineger proceeded. 

13, Satterday. — -Eight salvages lay close among the weedes 
and long grasse ; and, spying one or two of our maryners ■ — ■ 
Mr. Jhon Cotson and Mr. Mathew Fitch — by themselves, shott 
Mathew Fytch in the 'breast somwhat dangerously, and so 
rann away. This morning, our admirall's men gott a sturgeon 
of seven foote long ; which Capt. Newport gave us. 

14, Sondaye. — Two salvages presented themselves un- 
armed : to whome our president and Capt. Newport went out. 
One of these was that fellow I call, in my relatyon of dis- 
covery, our kinde consort ; being hee we mett at Turkye He. 
These certifyed us who were our frendes, and who foes ; say- 
ing that Kyng Pamaunke, Kyng Arahatec, the Kyng of Yough- 
tamong, and the Kyng of Matapull, would either assist us, or 
make us peace with Paspciouk, Tapahanauk, Wynauk, Apama- 
tecoh, and Chescaik, our contracted enemyes. He counselled 
us to cutt downe the long weeds rounde about our forte, and 
to proceede in our sawing. Thus, making signes to be with 
us shortly agayne, they parted. 

15, Monday. — We w T rought upon clapborde for England. 

16, Tuesday. — Two salvages without from Salisbury syde, 
being Tapahanauk's country. Capt. Newport went to them 
in the barge, ymagining they had ben our Sonday frends. 
But thes were Tajjahanauk's, and cryed (treacherously), " Win- 
gapoh ! " saying their king was on the other syde of a point ; 
where, had our barge gone, it was so shold water as they 
might have effected their villanoi;s plott. But our admirall 


tolde them Tapabanauk was " matah " and " chirah ; " wherat, 
laughing, they went away. 

17, Wensdaye. — No accydent. 

18, Thursdaye. „ ,, 

19, Frydaye. „ „ 

20, Satterday. „ „ 

21, Sondaye. — We had a comunyon. Capt. Newport 
dyned ashore with our dyet, and invyted many of us to 
supper as a farewell. 9 

9 Newport then failed for England, and probably carried this full and interesting 
journal with him. The papers which follow appear to be written at the same time. 
Some of the earlier writers say Newport sailed on the 15th; but that date is clearly 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 59 


This river (we have named our Kinge's River) ex- TheKinK , s 
tends itself a hundred and sixty myles into the 1Ter ' 
mayne land, betweene two fertile and fragrant banks, two 
myles, a myle, and, where it is least, a quarter of a myle 
broad ; navigable for shipping of three hundred tunns, a hun- 
dred and fifty myles ; the rest deep enough for small vessells 
of six foot draught. It ebbs and flowes four foote even to the 
skirt of an overfall ; where the water falls downe 

. An overfall. 

from huge great rocks, making in the fall five or 
six severall iletts, very fitt for the buylding of water-milnes 
thereon. Beyond this, not two dayes' journey, it hath two 
branches, w T hich come through a highe, stoney country, 
from certain huge mountaines called Quirauk ; beyond 
which needs no relacon (this from the overfall was the report 
and description of a faithfull fellow, who I dare well trust 
upon good reasons). From these mountaines Quirauk come 
two lesse rivers, which runn into this great one ; but whether 
deep enough for shipps or noe, I yet understand not. There 
be many small rivers of brooks, which unlade them- M BmalI 
selves into this mayne river at severall mouthes ; riTers ' 
which veynes devide the salvage kingdomes in many places, 
and yeeld pleasant seates in all the country over by moys- 
tening the frutefull mould. The mayne river abounds 
with sturgeon, — very large, and excellent good; 

. . Sturgeon. 

having also, at the mouth of every brook and 
in every creek, both store and exceeding good fish of divers 
kinds ; and in the large sounds neere the sea are Multitudeg 
multitudes of fish, banks of oysters, and many great of fish 


crabbs, rather better in taste than ours ; one able to suffice four 
men. And within sight of land, into the sea, we expect at 
tyme of yeare to have a good fishing for rodd ; as both at our 
first entring Ave might perceive by palpable conjecture, see- 
ing the codd follow the shipp, yea, bite at the x . . . ; 


as also out of my owne experience, not farre of to 
the northward, the fishing I found in my first voyage to 

The land's Virginia. This land lyeth low at the mouth of the 
description. r ^ YeT ^ anc l j g sanc iy ground, all over besett with fayre 

Lowland. pi ne _t rees ; but a little up the river it is reasonable 
high ; and, the further we goe (till we come to the overfall), 

Fun of ^ still ryseth increasing. It is generally replenisht 
with wood of all kinds, and that the fayrest, yea, and 
best, that ever any of us (traveller or workman) ever sawe ; 
being fitt for any use whatsoever, — as shipps, howses, planks, 
pales, boords, masts, waynscott, clappboard, for pikes or els- 

a frutefuii The so yl e i s more fertill then can be well exprest. 
soyie. jj. - g altogether aromaticall, giving a spicy taste to the 
rootes of all trees, plants, and heai-bs ; of itself a black, fatt, 
sandy mould, somewhat slymy in touch, and sweet in savour ; 
under which, about a yard, is in most places a redd clay, fitt 
for brick ; in other, marie ; in some, significations of mynne- 
rall ; in other, gravell-stones and rocks. It hath, in diverse 
places, fuller's earth, and such as comes out of Turky, called 
Terra sigiUcda. 2 It produceth, of one corne, of that country 
Avheate, sometymes two or three stemes or stalks, on which 
grow eares above a spann longe, besett with cornes, at the 
least three hundred upon an eare ; for the most part, five, six, 
and seven hundred. The beanes and peaz of this country 
have a great increase also : it yeelds two cropps a yeare. 

i Blank. 

2 Terra sigittata is also mentioned by Hariot. Dr. Hawks says it is found in 
Lemnos, sometimes called Terra Lemnia, and used in medicine. It is sometimes 
called sphraijide. 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 61 

Being tempered, and tyme taken, I kould it nature's nurst to 
all vegetables : for, I assure myself, no knowne continent 
brings forth any vendible necessaryes which this, by plant- 
ing, will not afford. For testemony in part, this we fynd by 
proof: From the West Indies we brought a certeine delicious 
fruite, called a pina ; which the Spanyard, by all art pos- 
sible, could never procure to grow in any place but in his 
naturall site. This we rudely and carelessly sett in our 
mould, which fostereth it, and keepes it greene ; and to what 
issue it may come, I know not. Our West-Indy plants of 
orenges and cotten-trees thrive well ; likewise the potatoes, 
pumpions, and mellions. 3 All our garden-seeds that were 
carefully sowne prosper well ; yet we onely digged the 
ground half a 4 . . . deep, threw in the seeds at randome, 
carelessly, and scarce rakt it. It naturally yeelds 

,. . . The rubish this 

mulbery-trees, cherrv-trees, vines aboundance, land naturally 

bringeth forth. 

goosberyes, strawberyes, hurtleberyes, respesses, 5 
ground nutts, scarretts, the roote called Sigilla christi, cer- 
taine sweet, thynn-shelled nutts, certaine ground aples, a 
pleasant fruite, any 6 many other unknowne. So the thing 
we crave is some skillfull man to husband, sett, plant, and 
dresse vynes, suger-canes, olives, rapes, hemp, The likiyhooa 

of profitt by 

flax, lycoris, pruyns, currants, raysons, and all industry. 
such things as the north tropick of the world affords ; also 
saffran, woad, hoppes, and such like. 

The comedityes of this country, what they are The countr 
in esse, is not much to be regarded ; the inhabitants comodit > es - 
having no comerce with any nation, no respect of profitt ; 
neither is there scarce that we call meum et tuum among 
them, save onely the kings know their owne territoryes, 

3 Here appears a reason, which the historians of Virginia have overlooked, for 
Newport's circuitous voyage thither. Gosnold, who was with him, had made the 
direct passage before this time. The text will bear another construction; but it would 
seem as if the potatoes were named among the West-India plants. 

4 Blank. 5 Raspberries. 6 Probably for " and." 


and the people their severall gardens. Yet this, for the 

present, by the consent of all our seamen : meerly our 

fishing for sturgeon cannot be lesse worth then a 


thousand pounds a yeare, leaving hering and codd 
as possibilities. 

Our clapboord and waynscott (if shipps will but fetch it) 

we may make as much as England can vent. We can send 

(if we be frends with the salvages, or be able to force them) 

two, three, four, or five thousand pounds a yeare of 

siguiata. the earth called Terra sigillata; saxafrage, what store 

saxafrage. we please ; tobacco, after a yeare or two, five thou- 


sand pounds a yeare. We have (as we suppose) 

Dyes, ritch dyes, if they prove vendible, worth more than 

Furrs. yet is nominated ; we have excellent furrs, in some 

pitch, places of the country great store ; we can make pitch, 

luraenSne rozen > ar >d turpentine. There is a gume which 

a mapie bleedeth from a kind of maple (the bark being cutt), 

not much unlike a balsome both in sent and vertue ; 

apothecary-druggs of diverse sorts, some knowne to be of 

wisacan, or good estimacon, some strange, of whose vertue the 

Virginia blond- 1 . , 1 ttt -i ■ t 

wort, which salvages report wonders. We can, by our mdus- 
woun'as. try and plantacon of comodious marchandize, make 
oyles,wynes, soape-ashes, wood-ashes; extract from 
iron, copper, minerall-earth, iron, copper, &c. We have a good 
Pearie fishing for muskles, with resonable mother-of-perle ; 

and, if the pearie we have seene in the kings' 
eares and about their necks come from these shells, we 
know the banks. To conclude, I know not what can be ex- 
pected from a comonwealth that either this land affords not 
or may soone yeeld. 

Newport's discoveries in Virginia. 63 


There is a king in this land called Great Pawatah, under 
whose dominions are at least twenty severall kingdomes, yet 
each king potent as a prince in his owne territory. These 
have their subjects at so quick comaund, as a beck brings 
obedience, even to the restitucon of stolne goods ; which, by 
their naturall inclinacon, they are loth to leave. They goe 
all naked, save their privityes ;* yet, in coole weather, they 
weare deare-skinns, with the hayre on, loose. Some have 
leather stockings up to their twists, and sandalls on their feet. 
Their hayre is black generally, which they weare long on 
the left side, tyed up on a knott ; about which knott the kings 
and best among them have a kind of coronett of deare's 
hayre colored redd. Some have chaines of long, linckt cop- 
per about their necks, and some chaines of pearle. The 
comon sort stick long fethers in this knott. I found not a 
gray dye among them all. Their skynn is tawny ; not so 
borne, but with dying and paynting themselves, in which 
they delight greatly. The wemen are like the men, onely 
this difference, — their hayre groweth long al over their heads, 
save dipt somewhat short afore. These do all the labour, and 
the men hunt and goe at their plesure. They live comonly 
by the water-side, in litle cottages made of canes and reeds, 
covered with the barke of trees. They dwell, as I guesse, 
by families of kindred and allyance, some fortie or fiftie in a 
hatto or small village ; which townes are not past a myle or 
half a myle asunder in most places. They live upon sodden 
wheat, beanes, and peaze, for the most part; also they kill 
deare, take fish in their weares, and kill fowle aboundance. 
They eate often, and that liberally. They are proper, lusty, 
streught ' men ; very strong ; runn exceeding swiftly. Their 

1 Straight. 


feight is alway in the wood, with bow and arrowes, and a 
short wodden sword. The celerity they use in skirmish is 
admirable. The king directs the batle, and is alwayes in 
front. Their manner of entertainment is upon mattes on the 
ground, under some tree, where they sitt themselves, alone, 
in the midest of the matt ; and two matts on each side, on 
which they people sitt: then, right against him (making a 
square forme) satt wee alwayes. When they come to their 
matt, they have an usher goes before them ; and the rest, as he 
sitts downe, give a long shout. The people steale any thing- 
comes neare them ; yea, are so practized in this art, that, 
lookeing in our face, they would with their foot, betweene 
their toes, convey a chizell, knife, percer, or any indifferent 
light thing ; which, having once conveyed, they hold it an 
injury to take the same from them. They are naturally given 
to trechery ; howbeit, we could not finde it in our travell up 
the river, but rather a most kind and loving people. They 
sacrifice tobacco to the sunn, fayre picture, or a harmefull 
thing, — as a swoord or peece also : they strincle 2 some into 
the water in the morning before they wash. They have 
many wives ; to whome, as neare I could perceive, they keep 
constant. The great king, Pawatah, had most wives. These 
they abide not to be toucht before their face. The great 
diseaze reignes in the men generally, full fraught with noodes, 
botches, and palpable appearances in their forheads. We 
found above a hundred. The wemen are very cleanly in mak- 
ing their bread and prepareing meat. I found they account 
after death to goe into another world, pointing eastward to 
the element ; and, when they saw us at prayer, they observed 
us with great silence and respect, especially those to whome 
I had imparted the meaning of our reverence. To conclude, 
they are a very witty and ingenious people, apt both to un- 
derstand and speake our language. So that I hope in God, 
as he hath miraculously preserved us hither from all daun- 

2 Sprinkle. 


gers both of sea and land and their fury, so he will make us 
authors of his holy will in converting them to our true Chris- 
tian faith, by his owne inspireing grace and knowledge of 
his deity. 3 

3 There is no evidence as to the authorship of these papers. 




Now first printed from the Original Manuscript in the Lambeth Library. 

HaiteO, toftf) jtfotes anD an Jtittrotiuction, 





About three years since, my attention was first directed 
to this narrative of Wingfield in the Lambeth Library, 
by the reference made to it in the first volume of the 
Rev. James S. M. Anderson's " History of the Church of , 
England in the Colonies," &c, first published in London 
in 1845. In lamenting the lack of definite information 
concerning the Rev. Robert Hunt, the first minister in 
the Colony, the author says, " I am thankful, however, to 
have found in the Lambeth Library a manuscript which 
throws some light, however faint, upon this latter point. 
It is marked in the catalogue as ' anonymous ' ; and the 
description is so far correct, that its author's name is 
not formally inscribed upon it. The dedication is not 
signed at all ; but, perceiving that it was a journal of the 
earliest proceedings of the Colony, I felt persuaded that 
it would well repay perusal. Nor was I disappointed ; 
for I found it written by a person of no less importance 
than Edward Maria Wingfield, — one of those to whom 
the patent was granted, and who, upon the arrival of the 
colonists in Virginia, was elected their first President. 
It contains a minute account of the transactions which 
chiefly concerned himself, from the time of their first 
landing in Virginia to his return to England, after he 


had been deposed from his office. ... I am not aware 
that its contents have in any shape been placed before 
the public" (vol. i. p. 167, second edition, London, 
1856). The author, in the preface, expresses his obli- 
gation to the Rev. S. R. Maitland, Librarian at Lambeth, 
for the help which he afforded in deciphering the manu- 

The application for a copy of this manuscript, Avhich 
I at once formed the purpose of making, was delayed 
until within a few months ; when one was promptly pro- 
cured for me through my friend, Mr. H. G. Somerby, 
of London, who, in a note respecting the original, thus 
writes : " The journal fills about twenty pages of fools- 
cap paper, and is closely Avritten. Mr. Anderson is 
wrong in stating that it is marked ' anonymous ' in the 
catalogue. That word refers to another manuscript. 
Mr. Whig-field's name is indorsed on the back of the . 
journal." In a note accompanying the copy, he says, 
" I have carefully compared the copy with the original, 
and corrected several mistakes made by the copyist ; so 
that you can rely upon the document I send you, verba- 
tim et literatim." The indorsement upon the journal, 
which is in vol. 250 of MSS. pp. 383 et seq., is, " A 
Discourse of Virginia. Auct. Ed. Ma. Wingfield." 

Since the time of Purchas, who probably had seen 
this narrative (see vol. iv. p. 1706), it appears to have 
escaped the notice of historical students till the atten- 
tion of Mr. Anderson was attracted to it. As will be 
seen, the " Discourse " is written in part, if not chiefly, 
in defence of the author's course while President of the 
Colony, and in reply to the charges preferred against 


him ; and was probably drawn up soon after his return 
to England in May, 1608. 

Soon after I had received a copy of this manu- 
script, I learned that the Antiquarian Society — which 
was just committing a volume to the press — had 
been favored with a copy of the journal of Newport's 
discovery of James River, to which Wingfield's narra- 
tive forms a fit complement. It seemed to me proper 
that the two papers should be printed together. I 
accordingly submitted the latter, for that purpose, to 
the Chairman of the Publishing Committee, who gladly 
accepted it, and who requested me to prepare it for 
publication, to follow the ' ; journal " then in the printers 

The only original Histories of the Colony at James- 
town, hitherto published, covering the period embraced 
by this manuscript, are, — First, the one by Capt. John 
Smith, giving a history of the settlement from the ar- 
rival of the colonists in April, 1607, to the sailing of 
Capt. Xelson in the "Phoenix," June 2, 1608. This 
may have been sent over by that vessel ; as it was 
printed the same year, in a small quarto of thirty-six 
pages, in black letter, with the following title : — 

" A True Relation of such occurrences and accidents of 
noate as hapned in Virginia since the first planting of that 
Collonv, which is now resident in the south part thereof, till 
the last returne from thence. Written by Captaine Smith, 
coronell of the said Collony, to a worshipfull friend of his in 
England. London, . . . 1608." 

It may be mentioned, that the title first issued with 
this tract, by a mistake of the printer, bore the name of 


Thomas Watson as the author. With the corrected title 
was added an explanatory preface. This is the first tract 
published relating to the Colony at Jamestown. 

Second, the description of Virginia by Capt. Smith, 
entitled — 

" A Map of Virginia. With a Description of the Countrey, 
the Commodities, People, Government, and Religion. Writ- 
ten by Captaine Smith, sometimes Governour of the Countrey. 
Whereunto is annexed the Proceedings of those Colonies, since 
their first Departure from England, with the discourses, Ora- 
tions, and relations of the Salvages, and the accidents that 
befell them in all their Journeys and discoveries. Taken 
faitlifvlly as they were written out of the writings of Doctor 
Rvssell, Tho. Stvdley, Anas Todkffl, Ieffra Abot, Richard Wit- 
fin, Will. Phettiplace, Nathaniel Powell, Richard Pots, . . . 
At Oxford, . . . 1612." 

The first part of this tract, purporting to be written 
by Smith, is, as its title indicates, a topographical de- 
scription of the country. It was prefaced by his map of 
Virginia, first published here. In a letter addressed to 
the Treasurer and Council of the Virginia Company in 
England, written from Virginia after the arrival of New- 
port, in September, 1608, and probably sent home by 
him near the close of the year, Smith says, "I have sent 
you this map of the bay and rivers, with an annexed 
relation of the countries, and nations that inhabit them, 
as you may see at large" (" Generall Historie," pp. 71, 
72). The appendix to this book, written chiefly by the 
companions of Smith, contains a history of the Colony, 
more or less minute, from its commencement to the time 
when Capt. Smith left the country in the latter part of 


the year 1609 ; and some incidents even of a later date 
are added. 

Third, Percy's narrative, in Purchas, vol. iv. pp. 
1685-1690, entitled — 

" Observations gathered out of a Discourse of the Planta- 
tions of the Southern Colonie in Virginia by the English, 
1606. Written by that Honorable Gentleman, Master George 

The writer was a brother of the Earl of Northumber- 
land. He was one of the first colonists, and subse- 
quently a temporary governor of the plantation. To 
what period this narrative was brought down by the 
writer, we have no means of knowing ; as Purchas has 
unfortunately preserved only an abridgment of it, in six 
of his folio pages, breaking off at September, 1607. 
This contains a minute and interesting account of the 
incidents of the first voyage, which are but briefly 
touched upon by the other narrators ; and some details 
of the Colony are given, to be met with nowhere else. 

The above may be said to embrace all the original 
Histories of the Colony that have been published, cover- 
ing the period named; one of them extending over a 
longer period. A few additional incidents, here and 
there, may .be gathered from other sources, particularly 
from some of Smith's later publications. His " Gene- 
rail Historie," first published in 1624, — which is chiefly 
a compilation of other works, — embraces the tract of 
1612, and some incidents from the earlier one ; and 
occasionally introduces matter not to be found in either. 
The work of Strachey, — first published by the Hakluyt 
Society in 1849, — so far as it relates to Southern Vir- 



ginia, is chiefly a description of the natural history of 
the country, rather than an account of the English 
Colony there resident. He did not arrive in Virginia 
till 1610. A considerable portion of Smith's tract of 
1612 has been adopted by him, and interwoven into 
his own narrative, without acknowledgment. Stith's 
volume I do not embrace in this category of original 
narratives for the early period covered by Wingfield's 
manuscript ; though he is referred to for the letters- 
patent and orders and instructions from his Majesty, 
under which the Colony was first settled. The history 
of the Colony, therefore, for the period which chiefly 
interests us here, — and, indeed, for a year or two 
beyond, — is mainly derived from the writings of Smith 
and his companions. Through these, Wingfield, the 
first President, has been handed down in no favorable 
light. Several charges have been made against him, 
hitherto unanswered. His spirited narrative and de- 
fence, now for the first time published, will be read with 

The letters-patent under which the settlement at 
Jamestown was made were granted April 10, 1606. 
Besides these, the King issued divers instructions and 
orders, under his sign-manual and the privy seal, dated 
Nov. 20, 1606. The charter established a Treasurer 
and Council, to be resident in England, to consist of 
thirteen persons ; and the same number was to con- 
stitute a Council resident in the Colony. The trans- 
portation of the persons designed for the Colony was 
committed to Capt. Christopher Newport, who had the 
sole charge and command of the same till they should 


land on the coast of Virginia. Three ships, whose names 
are preserved by Purchas, transported the company, — 
the " Susan Constant," admiral, of one hundred tons, 
commanded by Capt. Newport ; the " God-speed," vice- 
admiral, of forty tons, commanded by Capt. Bartholomew 
Gosnold ; the " Discovery," rear-admiral (the pinnace), 
of twenty tons, commanded by Capt. John Ratcliffe. 
They set sail on the 19th of December, 1606 ; but, 
by unprosperous winds, were kept in sight of England 
six weeks. They " watered at the Canaries ; " passed 
several weeks among some of the West-India Islands, 
where they " refreshed themselves ; " and did not reach 
the coast of Virginia till the 26th of April, 1607. 
On the night of their arrival, the box containing their 
orders for government was opened, and the papers, 
announcing who were appointed of the Council, were 
read. Until the 13th of May, the colonists were seek- 
ing a place for a settlement, about which all were not 
agreed. Finally " they resolved on a peninsula, on the 
north of the River Powhatan, about forty miles from 
the mouth." There the government was inaugurated ; 
the Council was sworn, and Wingfield, one of that body, 
was chosen President. 

Before the colonists arrived on the coast, a modifica- 
tion of his Majesty's Council .in England for Virginia 
had taken place ; and subsequently other charters were 

This brief introduction to the narrative which follows 
is not intended to embrace an extended notice of the 

c. D. 



Right Worp ul1 and more ivortliy : l — 

My due respect to yourselves, my allegiance (if I may so- 
terme it) to the Virginean action, my good heed to my poore 
reputacon, thrust a penne into my handes ; so iealous am I to 
bee missing to any of them. If it wandereth in extravagantes, 
yet shall they not bee idle to those physitions whose loves 
have undertaken the saftie and advancement of Virginia. 

It is no small comfort that I speake before such gravitie, 
whose iudgement no forrunner can forestall with any oppro- 
brious vntruths, whose wisedomes can easily disroabe malice 
out of her painted garments from the ever reverenced truth. 

I did so faithfully betroth my best endeavours to this noble 
enterprize, as my carriage might endure no suspition. I never 
turned my face from daunger, or hidd my handes from labour ; 
so watchfull a sentinel stood myself to myself. I know wel, 
a troope of errors continually beseege men's actions ; some 
of them ceased on by malice, some by ignorance. I doo not 
hoodwinck my carriage in my self love, but freely and hum- 
blie submit it to your grave censures. 

I do freely and truely anatomize the governement and 
goVernours, that your experience may applie medicines 
accordinglie ; and vpon the truth of this iournal do pledge 
my faith and life, and so do rest 

Yours to command in all service. 2 

1 Addressed, doubtless, to his Majesty's Council, in England, for Virginia. 

2 The above comprises the first page in the manuscript. Mr. Somerby writes that 
it "is in a different hand from the rest; and it wants the signature, as does the body 
of the manuscript." 

wingfield's DISCOURSE OF VIRGINIA. 77 

Here foUoweth what happened in James Toivne, in Virginia, 
after Captayne Newport's departure for Engliund. 

Captayne Newport, 3 haueing allwayes his eyes and eares 
open to the proceedings of the Collonye, 3 or 4 dayes before 
his departure asked the President how he thought himself 
settled in the gouernment : whose answere was, that no dis- 
turbance could indaunger him or the Collonye, but it must be 
wrought eyther by Captayne Gosnold or M r Archer ; 4 for the 
one was strong w th freinds and followers, and could if he 
would; and the other was troubled w a an ambitious spirit, 
and would if he could. 

The Captayne gave them both knowledge of this, the Presi- 
dent's opinion ; and moued them, with many intreaties, to be 
myndefull of their dutyes to His Ma tie and the Collonye. 

June, 1607. ■ — - The 22 th , 5 Captayne Newport retorned for 
England ; for whose good passadge and safe retorne wee made 
many prayers to our Almighty God. 

June the 25 th , an Indian came to us from the great Pough- 
waton w th the word of peace ; that he desired greatly our 

3 Capt. Newport " was esteemed a mariner of ability and experience on the Ameri- 
can coasts: for he had, fourteen years before (anno 1592), with much reputation and 
honor, conducted an expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies; where, 
with three ships and a small bark, he took several prizes, plundered and burnt some 
towns, and got a considerable booty." — Stlth, p. 42. He was a member of the first 
Colonial Council. — Ibid., p. 45. 

4 The names of Bartholomew Gosnold and Gabriel Archer are too well known to 
students of New-England history to need further mention here. One of the writers in 
the Appendix to Smith's Virginia (Oxford, 1612) says that the former was the "first 
mover" of the plantation of Virginia. 

5 In the tract last named, the date given for Newport's return is June 15: and some 
later writers have adopted that. But the date in the text is confirmed by Smith, in 
his first tract on Virginia, entitled " True Relation," &c, 1608 (a black-letter volume, 
not paged); by Percy, in Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1689; and by the writer of the journal, 
ante, p. 58. Newport left 104 colonists at Jamestown. — Percy, as above. In the 
Appendix to Smith's " Virginia," p. 8, the number of the " first planters " is stated to 
be 105; but in the list of names, so far as there given, that of Anthony Gosnold is 
inserted twice. 


freindshipp ; that the wyrounnces, 6 Pasyaheigh and Tapa- 
hanagh, 7 should be our freindes ; that wee should sowe and 
reape in peace, or els he would make warrs vpon them w th vs. 
This message fell out true ; for both those wyroaunces haue 
ever since remayned in peace and trade with vs. Wee 
rewarded the messinger w th many tryfles w ch were great won- 
ders to him. 

This Powatan 8 dwelleth 10 myles from vs ; upon the River 
Pamaonche, w ch lyeth North from vs. The Powatan in the 
former iornall 9 menconed (a dwellar by Captn. Newport's 
faults 1 ) ys a wyroaunce, and vnder this Great Powaton, w ch 
before wee knew not. 

July. — Th 3 of July, 7 or 8 Indians presented the Presi- 
dent a dear from Pamaonke, 2 a wyrouance, desiring our 
friendshipp. They enquired after our shipping ; w ch the 

6 "His [Powhatan's] inferior kings, whom they call Werowances, are tied to rule 
by customs, and have power of life and death, as their command in that nature. 
But this word Werovvanee, which we call and conster for a king, is a common word 
whereby they call all commanders; for they have but few words in their language, 
and but few occasions to use any officers more than one commander." — Smith's Vir- 
ginia, p. 36. 

7 The residence of Pasyaheigh, or, as the name is usually written, Paspahegh, may 
have been at the spot bearing that name, which is indicated on Smith's map of Vir- 
ginia as a few miles above Jamestown, on the James River. The name " Paspahegh " 
appears to have been applied by the Indians to the territory which embraced James- 
town. — See Hamor's True Discovrie, &c. (London, 1615), p. 38. For the residence 
of Tapahanah, see note 6, on the following page. 

8 He was the "chief ruler," or "emperor," of that part of the country. His 
principal residence, at this time, was at a place called Werowocomoco, "upon the 
north side of York River." — Stith, p. 53. " Some fourteen miles from Jamestown," 
says Smith, in his " Virginia," p. 34, where the reader will find a particular descrip- 
tion of this chief; and a more full one by Strachey, in his " Historie of Travaile in 
Virginia Britannia," pp. 48-50. 

9 Perhaps the journal of Newport's discoveries; ante, p. 40. It is not improbable 
that the Powhatan visited by Newport was a son of the emperor. — See Strachey, p. 56. 
Smith was with Newport at this time; and it is quite certain, from all the narratives, 
that the former first saw the Emperor Powhatan at Werowocomoco, when brought be- 
fore him as a prisoner, in December or January following. — See Smith's Virginia, 
Appendix, p. 14; True Relation. 

i Sic. 

2 Probably Opechancanough, King of Pamaunkey, seated on the river of that 
name; the main part of which is now called York River. — See Smith's Virginia, 
Appendix, pp. 66, 67; True Relation; Stith, p. 53; ante, pp. 52, 53. 


President said was gon to Croutoon. 3 They fear much our 
shipps ; and therefore he would not haue them think it farr 
from us. Their wyrounce had a hatchet sent him. They 
wear well contented w th trifles. A little after this came a 
dear to the President from the Great Powatan. He and his 
messingers were pleased w th the like trifles. The President 
likewise bought diuers tymes dear of the Indyans ; beavers, 
and other flesh ; w ch he alwayes caused to be equally deuided 
among the Collonye. 

About this tyme, diuers of our men fell sick. We myssed 
aboue fforty before September did see us ; i amongst whom 
was the worthy and religious gent. Captn. Bartholomew Gos- 
nold, 5 vpon whose liefs stood a great part of the good succes 
and fortune of our gouernment and Collony. In his sicknes 
tyme, the President did easily foretel his owne deposing from 
his comaund ; so much differed the President and the other 
Councellors in mannaging the government of the Collonye. 

July. — The 7 th of July, Tapahanah, a wyroaunce, dweller 
on Salisbery 6 side, hayled us with the word of peace. The 
President, w th a shallopp well manned, went to him. He found 
him sytting on the ground crossed legged, as is theire cus- 
tom, w h one attending on him, w ch did often saie, " This is the 
wyroance Tapahanah ; " w ch he did likewise continue w th stroak- 
ing his brest. He was well enough knowne ; for the Presi- 

3 Croaton was an Indian town on the south part of Cape Lookout; the place to 
which, it was supposed, the Colony, or the remnant of the Colony, left by Gov. 
White at Roanoke in 1587, had gone, and concerning whom all subsequent search 
had proved fruitless. 

4 " About the 10th of September, there was about forty-six of our men dead." — 
True Relation. " From May to September, those that escaped lived upon sturgeon 
and sea-crabs: fifty in this time we buried." — Studley, in Smith's Virginia, p. 10. 

5 " The two and twentieth day of August, there died Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold, 
one of our Council. He was honorably buried; having all the ordnance in the fort shot 
off, with many volleys of small shot." — Percy, in Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1690. 

6 " Coiacohanauke — which we commonly (though corruptly) call Tapahanock, 
and is the same which Capt. Smith, in his map, calls Quiyoughcohanock, on the 
south shore [of James RiverJ, or Salisbury side " — was probably the residence of this 
chief. — Slrachey, p. 56. " Popham side" was on the north shore. — See ante, pp. 42, 


dent had sene him diilse tymes before. His countynance was 
nothing cherefull ; for we had not seen him since he was in 
the feild against vs : but the President would take no know- 
ledge thereof, and vsed him kindely ; giving him a red was- 
coat, w ch he did desire. 

Tapahanah did enquire after our shipping. He receyued 
answer as before. He said his ould store was spent ; that 
his new was not at full growth by a foote ; that, as soone as 
any was ripe, he would bring it ; w ch promise he truly 

The . . . 7 of . . . 7 M r Kendall was put of from being 
of the Counsell, and comitted to prison ; for that it did 
manyfestly appeare he did practize to sowe discord betweene 
the President and Councell. 8 

Sicknes had not now left us vj able men in our towne. 
God's onely mercy did now watch and warde for us : but 
the President hidd this our weaknes carefully from the sal- 
vages ; neuer suffring them, in all his tyme, to come into our 
towne. 9 

7 Blanks in the original manuscript. 

8 The first Council for the Colony, appointed in England, consisted of Edward 
Maria Wiugfield, Bartholomew Gosnold, Christopher Newport, John Smith, John Rat- 
cliffe, John Martin, George Kendall. — Smith's Virginia, Appendix, p. 3. Owing to 
suspicions entertained of Smith, he was not sworn of the Council till June 10, — twelve 
days before the return of Newport for England. — Ibid., pp. 5, 6; ante, p. 57. Kendall 
was deposed, probably, soon after the death of Gosnold. — See True Relation, and 
Percy as above. 

9 Percy, one of the party, gives a sad picture of the sufferings endured by the 
colonists at this period. How striking a parallel is presented to the condition of 
the Pilgrims at Plymouth during the first winter and spring! He gives a list of the 
names of nineteen persons who died in August, and five who died in September. " Our 
men," he says, "were destroyed with cruel diseases — as swellings, fluxes, burning 
fevers — and by wars, and some departed suddenly ; but, for the most part, they died 
of mere famine. There were never Englishmen left in a foreign country in such 
misery as we were in this new-discovered Virginia. We watched every three nights, 
lying on the bare, cold ground, what weather soever came; warded all the next day; 
which brought our men to be most feeble wretches. Our food was but a small can of 
barley, sod in water, to five men a day; our, drinke, cold water taken out of the river, 
which was at a flood very salt, at a low tide full of slime and filth; which was the 
destruction of many of our men. Thus we lived, for the space of five months, in this 
miserable distress; not having five able men to man our bulwarks upon any occasion. 


Septem. — The vj th of September, Pasyaheigh sent vs a 
boy that was run from vs. This was the first assurance of 
his peace w th vs ; besides, wee found them no canyballs. 1 

The boye obserued the men & women to spend the most 
p* of the night in singing or howling, and that euery morning 
the women carryed all the litle children to the river's sides ; 
but what they did there, he did not knowe. 

The rest of the wyroaunces doe likewise send our men 
runnagats to vs home againe, vsing them well during their 
being with them ; so as now, they being well rewarded at 
home at their retorne, they take litle ioye to trauell abroad 
w h out pasports. 

The Councell demanded some larger allowance for them- 
selues, and for some sick, their fauorites ; w ch the President 
would not yeeld vnto, w th out their warrants. 

This matter was before ppounded by Captn. Martyn,' 2 but so 
nakedly as that he neyther knew the quantity of the stoare 
to be but for xiij weekes and a half, under the Cap Merchaunt's 3 

If it had not pleased God to have put a terrour in the Savages' hearts, we had all perished 
hy those -wild and cruel Pagans, being in that weak state as we were ; our men night 
and day groaning in every corner of the fort, most pitiful to hear. If there were any 
conscience in men, it would make their hearts to bleed to hear the pitiful murmurings 
and outcries of our sick men, without relief, every night and day, for the space of six 
weeks; some departing out of the world, many times three or four in a night; in the 
morning, their bodies trailed out of their cabins, like clogs, to be buried. In this sort 
did I see the mortality of divers of our people." —Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1690. "The 
living were scarce able to bury the dead." — "As yet, we had no houses to cover us ; 
our tents 'were rotten, and our cabins worse than nought. The President and Capt. 
Martin's sickness constrained me to be Cape Marchant, and yet to spare no pains in 
making houses for the company." — Smith's True Relation. 

1 Smith believed that some of the Indians in the neighborhood of Jamestown were 
cannibals; and he gives a strange relation in proof of it, in connection with an account 
of their yearly sacrifices. — Smith's Virginia, pp. 32, 33. 

2 Martin was one of the original Colonial Council. — Ante, p. 80, note 8. 

3 His majesty's orders for the government of the Colonies provided for the appoint- 
ment of one person in each Colony to be " Treasure) - , or Cape-merchant, of the same." — 
Stitk, p. 39. Thomas Studley was the first who filled that office in Virginia. Among 
the deaths this year in August, recorded by Percy, in Purchas, as above, is that of 
"Thomas Stoodie, Cape-merchant." This would seem to be no other than Studley; 
yet his name appears, in the Appendix to Smith's Virginia, as a narrator of events 
which took place after the above date. It is quite likely that the editor of these nar- 
ratives misapprehended, in some particulars, as to their authorship. 



hand. He prayed them further to consider the long tyme 
before wee expected Captn. Newport's retorne ; the incer- 
tainty of his retorne, if God did not fauo r his voyage ; the 
long tyme before our haruest would bee ripe ; and the doubt- 
full peace that wee had w th the Indyans, w ch they would 
keepe no longer then oportunity served to doe vs mischeif. 

It was then therefore ordered that euery meale of fish or 
fleshe should excuse the allowance for poridg, both against 
the sick and hole. The Councell, therefore, sitting againe 
upon this proposition, instructed in the former reasons and 
order, did not thinke fit to break the, former order by enlar- 
ging their allowance, as will appeare by the most voyces redely 
to be shewed vnder their handes. Now was the comon store 
of oyle, vinigar, sack, & aquavite all spent, saueing twoe 
gallons of each : the sack reserued for the Comunion Table, 
the rest for such extreamityes as might fall upon us, w ch 
the President had onely made knowne to Captn. Gosnold ; 
of w ch course he liked well. The vessells wear, therefore, 
boonged vpp. When M r Gosnold was dead, the President 
did acquaint the rest of the Counsell w th the said remnant : 
but, Lord, how they then longed for to supp up that little 
remnant ! for they had nowe emptied all their own bottles, 
and all other that they could smell out. 

A little while after this, the Councell did againe fall vpon 
the President for some better allowance for themselves, and 
some few the sick, their privates. The President ptested 
he would not be partial ; but, if one had any thing of him, 
euery man should have his portion according to their placs. 
Neuertheless, that, vpon their warrants, he would deliuer 
what pleased them to demand. Yf the President had at 
that tyme enlarged the pportion according to their request, 
whout doubt, in very short tyme, he had starued the whole 
company. He would not ioyne w th them, therefore, in such 
ignorant murder whout their own warrant. 

The President, well seeing to what end their ympacience 

wingfield's DISCOURSE OF VIRGINIA. 83 

would growe, desired them earnestly & often tymes to bestow 
the Presidentshipp amonge themselues ; that he would obey, 
a private man, as well as they could comand. But they re- 
fused to discharge him of the place ; sayeing they mought 
not doe it, for that hee did his Ma tie good service in yt. In 
this meane tyme, the Indians did daily relieue us w" 1 corne 
and fleshe, that, in three weekes, the President had reared 
vpp xx men able to worke ; for, as his stoare increased, he 
mended the comon pott : he had laid vp, besides, prouision 
for 3 weekes 7 wheate before hand. 

By this tyme, the Councell had fully plotted to depose 
Wingfield, ther then President; and had drawne certeyne 
artycles in wrighting amongst themselues, and toke their 
oathes vpon the Evangelists to obserue them : th' effect 
whereof was, first, — 

To depose the then President; 

To make M r Ratcliffe i the next President ; 

Not to depose the one th' other ; 

Not to take the deposed President into Councell againe ; 

Not to take M 1 Archer into the Councell, or any other, 
w th out the consent of euery one of them. To theis they had 
subscribed ; as out of their owne mouthes, at seuerall tymes, 
it was easily gathered. Thus had they forsaken his Ma ts gov- 
erning sett vs downe in the instruccons, & made it a Trium- 

It seemeth M r Archer was nothing acquainted w th theis 
artycles. Though all the rest crept out of his noats and 
comentaryes that were preferred against the President, yet 

4 John Ratcliffe was" captain of the pinnace on the voyage from England, and one 
of the original Colonial Council. — See Smith's Virginia, Appendix, p. 3; ante, p. 80, 
note 8. He gave great dissatisfaction as President; which office he held one year, and 
was succeeded by Smith. He went to England soon after; but in May or June, 1609, 
set sail for Virginia as captain of one of the ships which accompanied Somers and 
Gates. He, with thirty or forty others, was slain by Powhatan in 1610. — See Smith's 
Virginia, Appendix, pp. 93, 105. Strachey, in Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1734. 


it pleased God to cast him into the same disgrace and pitt 
that he prepared for another, as will appeare hereafter. 

Septem. — The 10 of September, M r Ratcliff, M r Smyth, 5 
and M r Martynn, came to the President's tennt with a warrant, 
subscribed vnder their handes, to depose the President ; saye- 
ing they thought him very unworthy to be eyther P e sident 
or of the Councell, and therefore discharged him of bothe. 
He answered them, that they had eased him of a great deale 
of care and trouble ; that, long since, hee had diuers tymes 
profered them the place at an easier rate ; and, further, that 
the President ought to be remoued (as appeareth in his 
Ma ts instruccons for our government) by the greater number 
of xiij voyces, Councellors ; 6 that they were but three, 7 and 
therefore wished them to proceede advisedly. But they told 
him, if they did him wrong, they must answere it. Then 
said the deposed President, " I ame at your pleasure : dis- 
pose of me as you will, w th out further garboiles." 

I will now write what followeth in my owne name, and 
giue the new President his title. I shall be the briefer 
being thus discharged. I was comytted to a Serieant, and 
sent to the pynnasse ; but I was answered w th , "If they did 
me wronge, they must answere it." 

The 11 th of September, I was sent for to come before the 
President and Councell vpon their Court daie. They had 
now made M r Archer, Recorder of Virginia. The President 
made a speeche to the Collony, that he thought it fitt to 
acquaint them whie I was deposed. I ame now forced to 

s Capt. John Smith, so famous in Virginia and New-England history. 

6 The Charter of Virginia provided for a Colonial Council of thirteen; and his 
Majesty's instructions and orders authorized the major part of said Council, upon any 
just cause, to remove the President or any other of the Council. — Slilh, p. 37, and Ap- 
pendix, p. 3. There seems to have been a departure from this rule, at the first, in the 
appointment of only seven councillors. 

1 Newport had sailed for England, Gosnold had died, Kendall had been deposed; 
and, setting aside Wingfield, there remained of the Council only the above-named 


stuff my paper with frivolous trifles, that our graue and 
worthy Councell may the better strike those vaynes where 
the corrupt blood lyeth, and that they may see in what manner 
of governm' the hope of the Collony now travayleth. 

Fflrst, Master President said that I had denyed him a penny 
whitle, 8 a chickyn, a spoonfull of beere, and serued him w" 1 
foule corne ; and w m that pulled some graine out of a bagg, 
shewing it to the company. 

Then start up M r Smyth, and said that I had told him 
playnly how he lied ; and that I said, though we were equall 
heere, yet, if he were in England, he 9 would think scorne his 
man 1 should be my companyon. 

M r Martyn followed w th , " He reporteth that I doe slack 
the service in the Collonye, and doe nothing but tend my 
pott, spitt, and oven ; but he hath starued my sonne, and 
denyed him a spoonefull of beere. I haue freinds in England 
shal be revenged on him, if euer he come in London." 

I asked M 1 President if I should answere theis compl ,s , 
and whether he had ought els to charge me w th all. W th that 
he pulled out a paper booke, loaded full w th artycles against 
me, and gaue them M r Archer to reade. 

I tould M r President and the Councell, that, by the instruc- 
tions for our governm', our proceedings ought to be verball, 2 
and I was there ready to answere ; but they said they would 
proceede in that order. I desired a coppie of the articles, 
and tyme giuen me to answere them likewise by wrighting ; 
but that would not be graunted. I badd them then please 
themselues. M* Archer then read some of the artycles ; when, 
on the suddaine, M 1 President said, " Staie, staie ! Wee know 

8 " Whittle," a small pocket-knife. 

9 Probably it should read "/would think scorn," &c. 

1 Name ? See p. 100, lines 14 and 15. 

2 " These judicial proceedings should be made summarily and verbally, till they 
come to the judgment, or sentence, which should be briefly registered in a book kept 
for that purpose," &c. — See the king's instructions and orders in Sliih, pp. 37-41. 


not whether he will abide our Judgment, or whether he will 
appeale to the King ; " sayeing to me, " How saie you : Will 
you appeale to the King, or no ? " I apprehended presently 
that God's mercy had opened me a waie, through their igno- 
rance, to escape their malice ; for I never knew how I might 
demande an appeale : besides, I had secret knowledge how 
they had foreiudged me to paie hue fold for any thing that 
came to my handes, whereof I could not discharge myself 
by wrighting ; and that I should lie in prison vntil I had 
paid it. 

The Cape Marchant had deliured me our marchandize, 
w th out any noat of the perticularyties, vnder my hand ; for 
himself had receyued them in grosse. I likewise, as occation 
moued me, spent them in trade or by guift amongst the 
Indians. So likewise did Captn. Newport take of them, when 
he went up to discouer the King's river, what he thought 
good, w th out any noate of his hand mentioning the certainty ; 
and disposed of them as was fitt for him. Of these, likewise, 
I could make no accompt ; onely I was Avell assured I had 
neuer bestowed the valewe of three penny whitles to my own 
vse, nor to the private vse of any other ; for I never carryed 
any fauorite over w th me, or intertayned any thear. I was all 
one and one to all. 

Vpon theis consideracons, I answered M r President and the 
Councell, that His Mat ys handes were full of mercy, and that 
I did appeale to His Ma ts mercy. They then comytted me 
prisoner againe to the master of y e pynnasse, w th theis words, 
" Looke to him well : he is now the King's prisoner." 

Then M r Archer pulled out of his bosome another paper 
book full of artycles against me, desiring that he might reade 
them in the name of the Collony. I said I stood there ready 
to answere any man's complaintt whome I had wronged ; but 
no one man spoke one word against me. Then was he willed 
to reade his booke, whereof I complayned ; but I was still 
answered, " If they doe me wrong, they must answer it." I 


have forgotten the most of the artycles, they were so slight 
(yet he glorieth much in his pennworke). I know well the 
last : and a speeche that he then made savoured well of a mu- 
tyny ; for he desired that by no means I might lye prysoner 
in the towne, least boath he and others of the Collony should 
not giue such obedience to their comaund as they ought to 
doe : which goodly speech of his they easilye swallowed. 

But it was vsuall and naturall to this honest gent., M r Ar- 
cher, to be allwayes hatching of some mutany in my tyme. 
Hee might haue appeered an author of 3 seuerall mutynies. 

And hee (as M r Pearsie 3 sent me worde) had bought some 
witnesses' handes against me to diuers artycles, w ,h Indian 
cakes (w ch was noe great matter to doe after my deposal, and 
considering their hungar), perswations, and threats. At an- 
other tyme, he feared not to saie openly, and in the presence 
of one of the Councell, that, if they had not deposed me when 
they did, he hadd gotten twenty others to himself w eh should 
haue deposed me. But this speech of his was likewise easily 
disiested. 4 M r Crofts 5 feared not to saie, that, if others would 
ioyne w th him, he would pull me out of my seate, and out of 
my skynn too. Others would saie (whose names I spare), that, 
vnless I would amend their allowance, they would be their 
owne caruers. For these mutinus speeches I rebuked them 
openly, and proceeded no further against them, considering 
thein of men's hues in the King's service there. One of the 

3 "This was the Honorable Mr. George Percy, of the ancient family of the Percys 
so renowned in story, and brother to the Earl of Northumberland. Neither did his 
actions here disgrace the nobility of his birth; for he justly obtained the reputation of 
a gentleman of great honor, courage, and industry. He seems to have come merely a 
volunteer upon the expedition, and bore no post or office of government." — Stith, p. 45. 
Percy subsequently became temporary Governor of the Colony, of which lie wrote an 
interesting account from its commencement. The early portion was printed by Pur- 
chas, and is referred to above. 

4 That is, disjesled. Disgest was a very common form, in early writers, of the word 
we spell digest. — See Halliwell's " Archaic and Provincial Words." 

5 Richard Crofts, who is classed among the " gentlemen " in the list of the first 
planters. — Smith's Virginia, Appendix, p. 7. 


Councell was very earnest w th me to take a guard aboute me. 
I answered him, I would no guard but God's love and my 
own innocencie. In all theis disorders was M r Archer a ring- 

When M r President and M 1 Archer had made an end of 
their artycles aboue mentioned, I was again sent prisoner 
to the pynnasse ; and M r Kendall, takeinge from thence, had 
his liberty, but might not carry armes. 

All this while, the salvages brought to the towne such 
corn and fflesh as they could spare. Paspaheighe, by Tapa- 
hanne's mediation, was taken into freindshipp with vs. The 
Councillors, M r Smyth especially, traded vp and downe the 
river w th the Indyans for corne ; w dl releued the Collony 
well. 6 

As I understand by a report, I am much charged w th startl- 
ing the Collony. I did alwaies giue eury man his allowance 
faithfully, both of corne, oyle, aquivite, &c, as was by the 
Counsell proportioned : neyther was it bettered after my 
tyme, untill, towards th' end of March, a bisket was allowed 
to euery workeing man for his breakefast, by means of the 
puision brought vs by Captn. Newport ; as will appeare here- 
after. It is further said, I did much banquit and ryot. I 
never had but one squirell roasted ; whereof I gave part to 
M r Ratcliff, then sick : yet was that squirell given me. I did 
never heate a flesh pott but when the comon pot was so used 
likewise. Yet how often M r President's and the Councellors' 
spitts haue night & daye bene endaungered to break their 
backes, — so laden w th swanns, geese, ducks, & c ! how many 
times their flesh potts haue swelled, many hungry eies did 
behold, to their great longing ; and what great theeues and 
theeving thear hath been in the comon stoare since my tyme, 

e > Smith appears to have been indefatigable in his efforts to serve the Colony at this 
time. An account of his various trading expeditions in search of corn will be found 
in the early tracts above cited. 


I doubt not but is already made knowne to his Ma ts Councell 
for Virginia. 

The 17 th daie of Septemb r , I was sent for to the Court to 
answere a complaint exhibited against me by Jehu Eobinson ; 7 
for that, when I was President, I did saie, hee w th others had 
consented to run awaye with the shallop to Newfoundland. 
At an other tyme, I must answere M r Smyth for that I had 
said hee did conceal an intended mutany. I tould M r Re- 
corder, those words would beare no actions ; that one of the 
causes was done w th out the lymits menconed in the Patent 
graunted to vs ; and therefore prayed M r President that I 
mought not be thus lugged with theis disgraces and troubles : 
but hee did weare no other eies or eares than grew on M r 
Archer's head. 

The jury gaue the one of them 100 H and the other two 
hundred pound damages for slaunder. Then M r Recorder 
did very learnedly comfort me, that, if I had wrong, I might 
bring my writ of error in London ; whereat I smiled. 

I, seeing their law so speedie and cheape, desired justice 
for a copper kettle w ch M r Crofte did deteyne from me. Hee 
said I had giuen it him. I did bid him bring his proofe for 
that. Hee confessed he had no proofe. Then M r President 
did aske me if I would be sworne I did not giue it him. I 
said I knew no cause whie to sweare for myne owne. He 
asked M r Crofts if hee would make oath I did give it him ; 
w ch oathe he tooke, and wonn my kettle from me, that was 
in that place and tyme worth half his weight in gold. Yet 
I did understand afterwards that he would haue given John 
Capper the one half of the kettle to haue taken the oath for 
him ; but hee would no copper on that price. 

I tould M r President I had not known the like lawe, and 
prayed they would be more sparing of law vntill wee had 
more witt or wealthe ; that lawes were good spies in a popu- 

7 John Robinson is classed among the "gentlemen," in the list just referred to. 



lous, peaceable, and plentifull country, whear they did make 
the good men better, & stayed the badd from being worse ; 
y' wee weare so poore as they did but rob us of tyme that 
might be better ymployed in service in the Collonye. 

The 7 . . . daie of 7 . . . the President did beat James 
Read, the Smyth. 8 The Smythe stroake him againe. For this 
he Avas condempned to be hanged ; but, before he was turned 
of the lather, he desired to speak with the President in pri- 
vate, to whome he accused M r Kendall of a mutiny, and so 
escaped himself. 9 What indictment M r Recorder framed 
against the Smyth, I knowe not ; but I knowe it is familiar 
for the President, Counsellors, and other officers, to beate men 
at their pleasures. One lyeth sick till death, another walketh 
lame, the third cryeth out of all his boanes ; w ch myseryes 
they doe take vpon their consciences to come to them by this 
their almes of beating. Wear this whipping, lawing, beat- 
ing, and hanging, in Virginia, knowne in England, I fear it 
would driue many well affected myndes from this hono ble 
action of Virginia. 

This Smyth comyng aboord the pynnasse w tb some others, 
aboute some busines, 2 or 3 dayes before his arraignem', 
brought me comendacons from M r Pearsye, M r Waller, 1 M r 
Kendall, and some others, saieing they would be glad to see 
me on shoare. I answered him, they were honest gent., and 
had carryed themselues very obediently to their goiinors. I 
prayed God that they did not think of any ill thing vnworthie 
themselues. I added further, that vpon Sundaie, if the 
weathiar were faire, I would be at the sermon. Lastly, I 

7 Blanks in the original manuscript. 

8 "James Read, Blacksmith." — Smith's Virginia, Appendix, p. 8. 

9 This account corresponds substantially with Smith in his True Kelation, who 
says Kendall was tried by a jury. Studley, in Smith's Virginia (Appendix, p. 12), says 
that Kendall's crime had connection with a plot, formed in Smith's absence, to divert 
the course of the pinnace (which had been fitted up for a trading voyage), and "to go 
for England." 

1 " John Waler " is in the list of " gentlemen." — Ibid., p. 7. 


said that I was so sickly, starued, lame, and did lye so could 
and wett in the pynnasse, as I would be dragged thithere 
before I would goe thither any more. Sundaie proued not 
faire : I went not to the sermon. 

The 2 . . . daie of 2 . . ., M r Kendall was executed; being 
shott to death for a mutiny. In th' arrest of his judgm', he 
alleaged to M r President y* his name was Sicklemore, not 
Ratcliff; 3 & so had no authority to <pnounce judgm'. Then 
M r Martyn pnounced judgm'. 

Somewhat before this tyme, the President and Councell 
had sent for the keyes of my coffers, supposing that I had 
some wrightings concerning the Collony. I requested that 
the Clearke of the Councell might see what they tooke out 
of my coffers ; but they would not suffer him or any other. 
Vnder cullor heereof, they took my books of accompt, and all 
my noates that concerned the expences of the Collony, and 
instructions vnder the Cape-Marchant's hande of the stoare 
of prouision, diuers other bookes & trifles of my owne proper 
goods, w ch I could neuer recover. Thus was I made good 
prize on all sides. 

The 4 . . . daie of 4 . . ., the President comanded me to 
come on shore ; w ch I refused, as not rightfully deposed, and 
•desired that I mought speake to him and the Councell in 
the p e sence of 10 of the best sorte of the gent. W th much 
intreaty, some of them wear sent for. Then I tould them I 
was determined to goe into England to acquaint our Councell 
there w th our weaknes. I said further, their lawes and 
governm' was such as I had no ioye to liue under them any 
longer ; that I did much myslike their triumverat haueing 
forsaken his Ma t9 instruccons for our government, and there- 

2 Blanks in the original manuscript. 

3 " Ratcliffe, whose right name was Sickelmore." — Smith's Virginia, Appendix, 
p. 93. His name appears in the second charter of Virginia as " Capt. John Sicklemore, 
alias Ratcliffe." — Stith, Appendix, p. 11. 

4 Blanks in the original manuscript. 


fore praied there might be more made of the Councell. I 
said further, I desired not to go into England, if eyther M r 
President or M r Archer would goe, but was willing to take 
my fortune w th the Collony ; and did also proffer to furnish 
them w th 100*' towards the fetching home the Collony e, if 
the action was given ouer. They did like of none of my 
proffers, but made diuers shott att mee in the pynnasse. I, 
seeing their resolucons, went ashoare to them ; whear, after 
I had staled a while in conference, they sent me to the pyn- 
nasse againe. 

Decern.- — -The 10 th of December, M r Smyth went vp the 
ryuer of the Chechohomynies 5 to trade for corne. He was 
desirous to see the heade of that riuer ; and, when it was not 
passible w th the shallop, he hired a cannow and an Indian to 
carry him vp further. The river the higher grew worse and 
worse. Then hee went on shoare w th his guide, and left 
Robinson & Emmery, 6 twoe of our Men, in the cannow ; w ch 
were presently slayne by the Indians, Pamaonke's men, and 
hee himself taken prysoner, and, by the means of his guide, 
his lief was saved ; and Pamaonche, haueing him prisoner, 
carryed him to his neybors wyroances to see if any of them 
knew him for one of those w ch had bene, some twoe or three 
yeeres before vs, in a river amongst them Northward, and 
taken awaie some Indians from them by force. At last he 
brought him to the great Powaton (of whome before wee had 
no knowledg), 7 who sent him home to our towne the viij" 1 of 
January. 8 

s This river empties into the James River on the north side, a few miles above 

6 John Robinson is in the list of " gentlemen," and " Tho. Emry " is in the list of 
" carpenters." — See Smith, as above. 

1 See p. 78. 

8 It was while on this expedition, as we are told in one of the later publications of 
Smith, that his life, which was threatened by Powhatan, was saved by his daughter 
Pocahontas, just as he was about to suffer. The story is an interesting and romantic 
one. But the critical reader of the accounts of Smith's adventures in Virginia will be 
struck with the fact, that no mention whatever is made of this incident in his minute 

wingfield's DISCOURSE OF VIRGINIA. 93 

During M r Smythe's absence, the President did swear M r 
Archer one of the Councell, contrary to his oath taken in the 
artycles agreed vpon betweene themselues (before spoken 
of), and contrary to the King's instruccons, and w th out M r 

personal narrative covering this period, written at the time, on the spot, and published 
in 1608; nor in the narrative of his companions, in the appendix to the tract of 1612; 
in neither of which is any attempt made to conceal his valiant exploits and hair-breadth 
escapes. In his "New England's Trials'" (1622) is a brief incidental allusion, in an 
ambiguous form, to his having been "delivered" by Pocahontas, when taken pri- 
soner. But the current story first appears in the " Generall Historie," first pub- 
lished in 1624. This book is compiled chiefly from earlier publications of his own and 
others; and what relates to Virginia, for this early period, is taken for the most part 
from the tract of 1612; though there is an occasional variation in the text, and inci- 
dents related in the tract of 1608 are sometimes introduced. In the tract last named, 
written by Smith himself on the spot, it does not appear that he considered his life at 
all in danger while he was a guest or prisoner of Powhatan. The hazards which he 
had run when he was first surprised by the Indians, and while in the hands of the 
King of Pamaunkey — who took him prisoner after the slaughter of his only two 
companions — and of the other minor chiefs, were ended. The whole bearing of the 
emperor towards him from the first, far from being hostile or even unfriendly, was in 
every respect kind and hospitable. The emperor, says Smith, " kindly received me 
with good words, and great platters of sundry victuals; assuring me of his friendship, 
and my liberty in four days." A conversation then ensued between them, which 
evidently resulted in inspiring mutual confidence. The savage was curious to know 
what brought Smith into the country, and appeared satisfied with the answers he 
received, which were far from the truth. He informed Smith as to the extent of his 
dominions, the character of the neighboring tribes, &c; and his guest " requited his 
discourse " by " describing to him the territories of Europe which were subject to our 
great king, . . . the innumerable multitude of ships, . . . the terrible manner of fight- 
ing" under Capt. Newport, whose "greatness he admired, and not a little feared. He 
desired me to forsake Paspahegh, and to live with him upon his river. . . . And thus 
having, with all the kindness he could devise, sought to content me, he sent me home 
with four men, — one that usually earned my gown and knapsack after me, two others 
loaded with bread, and one to accompany me." This simple story of Smith's interview 
with Powhatan, — here considerably abridged, — in which the name of the Indian 
child Pocahontas is not even mentioned, shows quite a different treatment from what 
is indicated in the following passage, subsequently interpolated in the most abrupt and 
awkward manner into the account in the " Generall Historie." After describing the 
stately appearance of Powhatan in the midst of his courtiers and women, somewhat 
as in the former account, the latter narrative proceeds to say, that, on Smith's entrance 
before the king, the people gave a great shout. The Queen of Appamatuck was de- 
puted to bring him water to wash his hands; and another brought him a bunch of 
feathers, instead of a towel, to dry them. Then, " having feasted him after the best 
barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held; but the conclusion was, 
two great stones were brought before Powhatan. Then as many as could laid hands 
on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head; and, being ready with their 
clubs to beat out his brains, Pocahontas, the king's dearest daughter, when no entreaty 


Martyn's consent; whereas there weare no more but the 
President and M r Martyn then of the Councell. 

M r Archer, being settled in his authority, sought how to 
call M r Smyth's lief in question, and had indited him vpon a 

could prevail, got her head in his arms, and laid her own upon his, to save him from 
death: whereat the emperor was contented he should live to make him hatchets; and 
her, bells, beads," &c. After some days, the emperor came to him, and told him they 
now were friends, and presently he should go to Jamestown; where, with twelve 
guides, he soon sent him. 

No one can doubt that the earlier narrative contains the truer statement, and that 
the passage last cited is one of the few or many embellishments with which Smith, 
with his strong love of the marvellous, was disposed to garnish the stories of his early 
adventures, and with which he or his editors were tempted to adorn particularly his 
later works. The name of Pocahontas, afterwards the " Lady Rebecca," had become 
somewhat famous in the annals of Virginia, since the time Smith knew her there at 
the age of thirteen or fourteen, when he left the Colony for England. From her position, 
she had been the means of rendering the Colony some service. Through her, an influ- 
ence for good had been acquired over Powhatan. As the daughter of an emperor, — 
possessing, as is said, some personal attractions, and the first convert of her tribe to 
Christianity, — she had been, on her visit to England with her husband, John Rolfe, in 
1616, an object of much curiosity and attention. The temptation, therefore, to bring 
her on the stage as a heroine in a new character in connection with Smith, always the 
hero of his chronicles, — and who, in his early adventures in the East, as he subse- 
quently claimed, had inspired the gentle Tragabigzanda with the tenderest emotions 
towards him, — appears to have been too great for him to withstand, and was not to be 
resisted by those interested in getting up the " Generall Historie;" and therefore, in 
reproducing the account of his imprisonment, this story — the substance of which 
Smith appears to have intimated to her majesty Queen Anne, in general terms, while 
the "Lady Rebecca" was in England ("Generall Historie," p. 121) — is introduced 
for the first time into the narrative of this portion of his adventures. 

It should be borne in mind, that Smith makes no claim to have been taken prisoner 
more than once by the Indians, during his residence of two years and a half in Vir- 
ginia. All his adventures during this period are related in detail, and there was but 
one occasion on which the service claimed to have been rendered by Pocahontas 
could have been performed. This marvellous story finds no proper place in any other 
adventure; and the introduction of it into the narrative in the " Generall Historie" is 
equivalent to setting aside the whole of the earlier account, so far as relates to the 
manner of his reception and his whole treatment by Powhatan, when brought before 
him a prisoner. 

In its connection with this subject, the passage in the text of Wingfield, at this 
place, becomes especially significant, as giving the main features of Smith's imprison- 
ment as they were understood at Jamestown at the time, and, of course, as told by 
Smith himself. According to this, as we have seen, his life was imperilled only at the 
time of his first falling into the hands of the Indians, — " Pamaunkey's men;" and 
he was saved by his Indian guide. The passage is silent as to Pocahontas; and the 
name of Powhatan is introduced only in connection with the fact, that, when Smith 
was brought before him a prisoner, he sent the captive home to Jamestown. 

wingfield's DISCOURSE OF VIRGINIA. 95 

chapter in Leuiticus for the death of his twoe men. 9 He had 
had his tryall the same daie of his retorne, and, I believe, his 
hanging the same or the next daie, so speedie is our lawe 
there. But it- pleased God to send Captn. Newport vnto us 
the same evening, to o r vnspeakable comfort ; whose arrivall 
saued M r Smyth's leif and mine, because hee took me out of 
the pynnasse, and gaue me leave to lye in the towne. Also 
by his comyng was p e vented a parliam*, 1 w ch y e newe Counsailo 1 , 
M r Recorder, intended thear to summon. Thus error begot 

Captayne Newport, haueing landed, lodged, and refreshed 
his men, ymploied some of them about a faire stoare house, 
others about a stove, and his maryners aboute a church : 2 
all w ch workes they finished cherefully and in short tyme. 

To those familiar with Secretary Hamor's rare tract on Virginia, published in 
1615, which is largely devoted to Pocahontas, his silence will be deemed equally 

Without designing to impeach the general trustworthiness of Smith's original nar- 
rations, and with no disposition to detract from the " Generall Historie " (a large part 
of which is compiled from writings of others) and the " True Travels," to the extent 
implied in Burk's designation of the former as an " epic history or romance " (see 
Burk's History of Virginia, preface), it must be admitted that the tendency to exagge- 
ration and over-statement in his later publications is evident. Referring to what has 
already been said, it would be curious to trace other variations in the two accounts 
of Smith's imprisonment especially referred to, — in the "True Relation" and in the 
" Generall Historie." But this note is already too much extended. An admirable ana- 
lysis of Smith's "Generall History" and "True Travels" may be found in Palfrey's 
History of Xew England, vol. i. pp. 89-93. 

9 " Some, no better than they should be, had plotted with the President, the next 
day, to have put him to death by the Levitical law, for the lives of Robinson and 
Emry: pretending the fault was his," &c. — Smith's Generall Historie, p. 49. Smith, 
probably, was to be tried by the spirit of the law laid down in Lev. xxiv. 19-21. 

1 If, by a parliament, is here intended the whole body of colonists or their repre- 
sentatives, it is certain that no authority for summoning such an assembly was vested 
in the Council or Colony. — Stith, pp. 37-41. 

2 The narrative, in the Appendix to Smith, complains that the mariners spent 
much time hunting for gold; kept the ship long in the country (fourteen weeks), 
consuming their food, " that the mariners might say they built such a golden church, 
that we can say the rain washed to near nothing in fourteen days." 

Smith thus describes " what churches we had, order of service," &c, when he first 
went to Virginia: "When I went first to Virginia, I well remember, we did hang an 
awning (which is an old sail) to three or four trees to shadow us from the sun. Our 
walls were rails of wood; our seats, unhewed trees, till we cut planks; our pulpit, a 


January. — The 7 of January, 3 our towne was almost quite 
burnt, 4 with all our apparell and prouision ; 5 but Captn. New- 
port healed our wants, to our great comforts, out of the great 
plenty sent vs by the prouident and loving care of our wor- 
thie and most worthie Councell. 

bar of wood nailed to two neighbouring trees. In foul weather, we shifted into an old 
rotten tent, for we had few better; and this came by the way of adventure for new. 
This was our church, tiil we built a homely thing like a barn, set upon cratchets, 
covered with rafts, sedge, and earth; so was also the walls: the best of our houses of 
the like curiosity, but the most part far much worse workmanship, that could neither 
well defend wind nor rain. Yet we had daily Common Prayer morning and evening, 
every Sunday two sermons, and every three months the holy Communion, till our 
minister [Mr. Hunt, the date of whose death is uncertain] died; but our Prayers daily, 
with an Homily on Sundays, we continued two or three years after, till more preachers 
came. And surely God did most mercifully hear us, till the continual inundations of 
mistaking directions, factions, and numbers of unprovided Libertines, near consumed 
us all, as the Israelites in the wilderness." — Smith's "Advertisements," &c, London, 
1631, pp. 32, 33. 

3 According to the dates in the text, this fire took place the day before the 
arrival of Newport; but Smith says, "Within five or six days after the arrival of 
the ship, by a mischance our Fort was burned, and the most of our apparel, lodging, 
and private provision. Many of our old men diseased ; and [many] of our new, for 
want of lodging, perished." — True Relation. The inference from the account in the 
Appendix to Smith's Virginia is clear, that Newport had arrived some time before 
the fire took place. If the ship remained at Jamestown " fourteen weeks," as is 
stated in the tract last named, — sailing for England, April 10, — it would show that 
she arrived some days earlier than the date given in the text. Smith and Wingfield 
agree as to the arrival of Newport on the evening of the day of the former's return 
from his captivity among the Indians. 

4 " The houses first raised were all burnt, by a casualty of fire, the beginning of the 
second year of their seat, and in the second voyage of Capt. Newport; which since 
have been better rebuilded, though as yet in no great uniformity either for the fashion 
or beauty of the street. A delicate-wrought, fine kind of mat the Indians make, with 
which (as they can be trucked for or snatched up) our people do dress their chambers 
and inward rooms; which make their houses so much the more handsome. The 
houses have wide and large country chimneys, in the which is to be supposed (in such 
plenty of wood) what fires are maintained : and they have found the way to cover their 
houses now (as the Indians) with the barks of trees, as durable, and as good proof 
against storms and winter weather, as the best tyle; defending likewise the piercing 
sunbeams of summer, and keeping the inner lodgings cool enough, which before, in 
sultry weather, would be like stoves, whilst they were, as at first, pargetted and 
plastered with bitumen or tough clay. And, thus armed for the injury of changing 
times and seasons of the year, we hold ourselves well apaid, though wanting arras 
hangings, tapestry, and gilded Venetian cordovan, or more spruce household garniture 
and wanton city ornaments." — Slrachey, in Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1753. 

5 " Good Mr. Hunt, our preacher, lost all his library, and all that he had but the 
clothes on his back; yet none ever saw him repine. This happened in the winter of 
that extreme frost, 1607." — Smith's Virginia, Appendix, p. 20. 


This vigilant Captayne, slacking no oportunity that might 
advaunce the prosperity of the Collon}^ haueing setled the 
company vppon the former workes, took M r Smyth and M r 
Scrivenor 6 (another Councellor of Virginia, vpon whose dis- 
cretion liveth a great hope of the action), went to discouer 
the River Pamaonche, on the further side whearof dwelleth the 
Great Powaton, and to trade w th him for corne. This River 
lieth North from vs, and runneth East and West. I haue 
nothing but by relation of that matter, and therefore dare 
not make any discourse thereof, lest I mought wrong the 
great desart w cl1 Captn. Newport's loue to the action hath 
deserued ; espially himself being present, and best able to 
giue satisfaccon thereof. I will hasten, therefore, to his 

March. — The 9 th of March, he retorned to James Towne 
w th his pynnasse well loaden w th corne, wheat, beanes, and 
pease, to our great comfort & his worthi comendacons. 7 

By this tyme, the Counsell & Captayne, haueing intentiuely 
looked into the carryadge both of the Councellors and other 
officers, remoued some officers out of the stoare, and Captn. 
Archer, a Councellor whose insolency did looke vpon that 
litle himself w th great sighted spectacles, derrogating from 
others' merrits by spueing out his venemous libells and in- 
famous chronicles vpon them, as doth appeare in his owne 
hand wrighting ; ffor w ch , and other worse tricks, he had not 
escaped y e halter, but that Captn. Newport interposed his 
advice to the contrary. 

Captayne Newport, haueing now dispatched all his busines 8 

6 Matthew Scrivener, one of the second supply with Newport. He, with ten others, 
was drowned in a skiff, within a year from this time. — Ibid., p. 71. 

' A minute account of this trading expedition, during which Capt. Newport for the 
first time had an interview with the " great Powhatan," and from which the forty who 
embarked on it returned with two or three hundred bushels of corn, may be seen in 
the " True Relation," and a more brief account in the Appendix to Smith's Virginia. 

- Newport, being warmly seconded by Capt. Martin, though against the advice of 
Smith, loaded the ship home with "gilded dirt," supposing it to be gold-dust. — Ibid., 
pp. 21, 22. 



and set the clocke in a true course (if so the Councell will 
keep it), prepared himself for England vpon the x th of 
Aprill, 9 and arryued at Blackwall on Sunday, the xxj th of Maye, 


I humbly craue some patience to answere many scandalus 
imputacons w ch malice, more than malice, hath scattered vpon 
my name, and those frivolous three names obiected against 
me by the President and Councell ; and though nil conscire 
sibi be the onely maske that can well couer my blushes, yett 
doe I not doubt but this my appologie shall easily wipe them 

It is noised that I combyned w tb the Spanniards to the dis- 
truccon of the Collony ; That I ame an atheist, because I 
carry ed not a Bible w th me, and because I did forbid the 
preacher to preache ; that I affected a king-dome ; That I did 
hide of the comon prouision in the ground. 

I confesse I haue alwayes admyred any noble vertue & 
prowesse, as well in the Spanniards (as in other nations) ; but 
naturally I haue alwayes distrusted and disliked their neigh- 
borhoode. I sorted many bookes in my house, to be sent vp 
to me at my goeing to Virginia ; amongst them a Bible. They 
were sent me vp in a trunk to London, w ,h diuers fruite, con- 
serues, & p e serues, w ch I did sett in M r Crofts his house in 
Ratclift'. 1 In my beeing at Virginia, I did vnderstand my 
trunk was thear broken vp, much lost, my sweetmeates eaten 
at his table, some of my bookes w ch I missed to be seene in 

9 " He set sail for England the tenth of April. Master Scrivener and myself, with 
our shallop, accompanied him to Cape Hendriok." — True Relation. Wingfield, the 
author of this narrative, and Archer, returned home at this time with Capt. Newport. 
Archer came back to Virginia the next year, as master of one of the ships — in com- 
pany with Gates and Somers — which left England in May or June, 1609. — See Smith's 
Virginia, Appendix, pp. 22, 93; Stracliey, in Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1734. 

1 Probably the hamlet of Ratcliffe, which is in the southern division of the parish 
of Stepney, about one mile from London. — See Lyson's Environs of London, vol. ii. 
pp. 712-15. 


his hands ; and whether amongst them my Bible was so 
ymbeasiled or mislayed by my seruants, and not sent me, I 
knowe not as yet. 

Two or three Sundayes mornings, the Indians gave vs 
allarums at our towne. By that tymes they weare answered, 
the place about us well discouered, and our devyne service 
ended, the daie was farr spent. The preacher did aske me if 
it were my pleasure to haue a sermon : hee said hee was pre- 
pared for it. I made answere, that our men were weary and 
hungry, and that he did see the time of the daie farr past (for 
at other tymes hee neuer made such question, but, the ser- 
vice finished, he began his sermon) ; & that, if it pleased 
him, wee would spare him till some other tyme. I never 
failed to take such noates by wrighting out of his doctrine 
as my capacity could comprehend, vnless some raynie day 
hindred my indeauo r . My mynde never swelled with such 
ympossible mountebank humors as could make me affect any 
other king-dome then the kingdom of heaven. 

As truly as God liueth, I gave an ould man, then the keeper 
of the private stoure, 2 glasses w ,h sallet oyle w ch I brought 
w th me out of England for my private stoare, and willed him 
to bury it in the ground, for that I feared the great heate 
would spoile it. Whatsoeuer was more, I did never consent 
vnto or knewe of it ; and as truly was it protested vnto me, 
that all the remaynder before menconed of the oyle, wyne, 
<fe c , w ch the President receyued of me when I was deposed, 
they themselues poored into their owne bellyes. 

To the President's and Councell's obiections I saie, that I 
doe knowe curtesey and civility became a governor. No 
penny whitle was asked me, but a kniffe, whereof I had none 
to spare. The Indyans had long before stoallen my knife. 
Of chicking I never did eat but one, and that in my sicknes. 
M* Ratcliff had before that time tasted of 4 or 5. I had by 
my owne huswiferie bred aboue 37, and the most part of them 
of my owne poultrye ; of all w ch , at my comyng awaie, I did 


not see three liueing. I never denyed him (or any other) 
beare, when I had it. The corne was of the same w ch wee all 
lined vpon. 

M r Smyth, in the t} 7 me of our hungar, had spread a rumor 
in the Collony, that I did feast myself and my seruants out of 
the comon stoare, w th entent (as I gathered) to haue stirred 
the discontented company against me. I tould him privately, 
in M r G-osnold's tent, that indeede I had caused half a pint of 
pease to be sodden w th a peese of pork, of my own prouision, 
for a poore old man, w ch in a sicknes (whereof he died) he 
much desired ; and said, that if out of his malice he had 
given it out otherwise, that bee did tell a leye. It was 
proued to his face that he begged in Ireland, like a rogue, 
w th out a lycence. To such I would not my name should be a 

M r Martin's payns, during my comaund, never stirred out of 
our towne tenn scoare ; and how slack hee was in his watch- 
ing and other dutyes, it is too well knowne. I never defrauded 
his sonne of any thing of his own allowance, but gaue him 
aboue it. I believe their disdainefull vsage and threats, 
which they many tymes gaue me, would have pulled some 
distempered speeches out of fare greater pacyence than myne. 
Yet shall not any revenging humor in me befoule my penn 
w th their base names and Hues here and there. I did visit 
M r Pearsie, M r Hunt, M r Brewster, M r Pickasse, M r Allicock, 
ould Short the bricklayer, 2 and diuerse others, at seuerall 
tymes. I never miskalled at a gent, at any tyme. 

Concerning my deposing from my place, I can well proue 
that M r Ratcliff said, if I had vsed him well in his sicknes 

2 The name of "Mr. Robert Hunt, Preacher," is in the list of first planters. — See 
page 102. " William Bruster, gentleman," died Aug. 10, 1607, " of a wound given by 
the Savages, and was buried the eleventh day." " Dru Pickhouse " was one of the 
first planters. " The nineteenth day [of August] died Drue Piggase, gentleman." 
"The fourteenth day [of August], Jerome Alikock, Ancient, died of a wound." — 
Percy, in Purchas, as above. " Old Short's" name is not among the first planters. 
The list is not complete. 


(wherein I find not myself guilty of the contrary), I had never 
bene deposed. 

M r Smyth said, if it had not bene for M r Archer, I hadd 
never bene deposed. Since his being here in the towne, he 
hath said that he tould the President and Councell that they 
were frivolous obiections they had collected against me, and 
that they had not done well to depose me. Yet, in my con- 
science, I doe believe him the first & onely practizer in theis 
practisses. M r Archer's quarrell to me was, because hee had 
not the choice of the place for our plantation ; because I mis- 
liked his leying out of our towne, in the pinnasse ; because I 
would not sware him of the Councell for Virginia, w ch neyther 
I could doe or he deserve. 

M r Smyth's quarrell, because his name was menconed in the 
entended <fe confessed mutiny by Galthropp. 3 

Thomas Wootton, the surieon, because I would not sub- 
scribe to a warrant (w ch he had gotten drawne) to the Trea- 
surer of Virginia, to deliuer him money to furnish him w th 
druggs and other necessaryes ; & because I disallowed his 
living in the pinnasse, haueing many of o r men lyeing sick & 
wounded in o r towne, to whose dressings by that meanes he 
slacked his attendance. 

Of the same men, also, Captn. Gosnold gaue me warning, 
misliking much their dispositions, and assured me they would 
lay hold of me if they could ; and peradventure many, because 
I held them to watching, warding, and workeing; and the 
Collony generally, because I would not giue my consent to 
starue them. I cannot rack one word or thought from my- 
self, touching my carryadg in Virginia, other than is herein 
set down. 

If I may now, at the last, p e sume vpon yo r favours, I am 
an hble suitor that your owne loue of truth will vouchsafe to 
releave me from all false aspertions happining since I em- 

3 " Stephen Galthrope" died the fifteenth day of August, 1607. — Ibid. 


barked me into this affaire of Virginia. For my first worke 
(w ch was to make a right choice of a spirituall pastor), 4 I ap- 
peale to the remembraunce of my Lo. of Caunt : his grace, 
who gaue me very gracious audience in my request. And the 
world knoweth whome I took w th me : truly, in my opinion, 
a man not any waie to be touched w th the rebellious humors 
of a popish spirit, nor blemished w" 1 ye least suspition of a 
factius scismatick, whereof I had a spiall care. For other 
obiections, if yo r worthie selues be pleased to set me free, 
I haue learned to despise y e populer verdict of y e vulgar. I 
ever chered up myself w th a confidence in y e wisdome of 
graue, iudicious senato rs ; & was never dismayed, in all my 
service, by any synister event: though I bethought me of 
y e hard beginnings, Av ch , in former ages, betided those worthy 
spirits that planted the greatest monarchies in Asia & Europe ; 
wherein I obserued rather y e troubles of Moses & Aron, with 
other of like history, then that venom in the mutinous brood 
of Cadmus, or that harmony in y e swete consent of Amphion. 
And when, w" 1 y e former, I had considered that even the 
betheren, at their plantacon of the Romaine Empire, were 
not free from mortall hatred & intestine garboile, likewise 

4 Mr. Hunt, the preacher, is here referred to. 

" On the 19th of December, 1606, we set sail; but, by unprosperous winds, were 
kept six weeks in the sight of England: all which time, Mr. Hunt, our Preacher, was 
so weak and sick, that few expected his recovery. Yet, although he were but ten or 
twelve miles from his habitation (the time we were in the Downs), and notwithstand- 
ing the stormj' weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some few little better than 
Atheists, of the greatest rank among us) suggested against him, all this could never 
force from him so much as a seeming desire to leave the business," &c. — Smith's 
Virginia, Appendix, p. 2. 

" It is evident [from the above] that Robert Hunt's habitation must have been 
in Kent; and I find, in Hasted's History of Kent (vol. iii. p. 640), that Robert Hunt, 
A.M., was appointed to the vicarage of Reculver, Jan. 18, 1594; and that he resigned 
it in 1602. I cannot find, in the list of the Kentish Clergy at that time, any other Mr. 
Hunt who bore the same Christian name; and, coupling the date of the resignation 
above stated with the period at which the first pastor of the English Colony must have 
been contemplating his departure to America, I think it most probable that he was the 
Vicar of Reculver." — Anderson's History of the Church of England in the Colonies, vol. i . 
pp. 169, 170. 


that both y e Spanish & English records are guilty of like fac- 
tions, it made me more vigilant in the avoyding thereof: and I 
ptest, my greatest contencon was to p e vent contencon, and my 
chiefest endeavour to p e serue the Hues of others, though w 01 
great hazard of my own ; for I neuer desired to enamell my 
name w" 1 bloude. I reioice that my trauells & daungers haue 
done somewhat for the behoof of Jerusalem in Virginia. If it 
be obiected as my ouersight to put my self amongst such men, 
I can saie for myself, thear wear not any other for o r consort ; 
& I could not forsake y e enterprise of opening so glorious a 
kingdom vnto y e King, wherein I shall ever be most ready to 
bestow y e poore remainder of my dayes, as in any other his 
heighnes' dissignes, according to my bounden duty, w th y e 
vtmost of my poore tallent. 5 

5 In the " Visitation of the County of Huntington, under the authority of William 
Camden,"' in 1613, 1 find an Edward Maria Wingfield (without doubt, our author) then 
living, unmarried, "of Stonley Priorye in comit. Hunt, jam superstes, 1613." He be- 
longed to a distinguished family. His father was " Thomas Maria Wingfeild, who was 
christened by Queene Mary and Cardinall Poole." His grandfather was " S r Rich' 
Wingfeild of Kimbolton Castle, in Hunt., k., 12 th sonne of S r John Wingfeild of Leth- 
eringham, k., and of his wiffe Elizab. Fitz-Lewis; was Chancellor of the Duchie of 
Lane; Lord-Deputy of Callis; and made K. of the Garter by Henr. 8. His 1 wiffe 
was Katherine, Dutchess of Bedford and Buckingham; ... by whom S r Rich' had no 
issue: 2 1 "', he maried Bridgett, da. and heire of S r John Wilshire, and had all his chil- 
dren by her. He is buried at Toledo in Spayne." 




SUitij an Kntrotiuction anti Notrs, 





Mr. John Josselyn, the writer of this book, was only 
brother, as he says, to Henry Josselyn, Esq., many 
years of Black Point in Scarborough, Me. ; and both 
were sons to Sir Thomas Josselyn, Knt, of Kent, whose 
name is at the head of the new charter obtained by 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges for his Province in 1639, but 
who did not come to this country. Mr. Henry Josse- 
lyn was at Piscataqua, in the interest of Capt. John 
Mason, at least as early as 1634 ; but, in 1636, he 
is one of the Council of Gorges's Province in Maine, 
and continued in that part of the country the rest of 
his life. He succeeded in 1643, by the will of Capt. 
Thomas Cammock, to his patent at Black Point, and 
soon after married his widow. He is afterwards De- 
puty-Governor of the Province ; and until 1676, when 
the Indians attacked and compelled him to surrender 
his fort, he was, says Mr. Willis, — whose valuable 
papers are cited below, — one of the most active and 
influential men in it ; " holding, " during all the changes 
of proprietorship and government, the most important 
offices." He is then a magistrate of the Duke of York's 
Province of Cornwall, and, as late as 1680, a resident 
of Pemaquid ; when he is spoken of, in a letter of 


Gov. Andros to the commander of the fort at Pema- 
quid, as one " whom I would have you use with all 
fitting respect, considering what he hath been and his 
age." He is living in 1682 ; but had died before the 
10th of May, 1683, 1 leaving no descendants. 2 

Notwithstanding the evidence, above afforded, of the 
social position of the family of which Henry and John 
Josselyn were members, the present writer failed in 
tracing it, doubtless from not knowing in which county 
it had its principal seat. In this uncertainty, it occurred 
to him to make application to the eminent English an- 
tiquary, — the Rev. Joseph Hunter, Vice-President of 
the Society of Antiquaries of London, — to whom he 
was indebted for former kind attentions ; and was 
favored by this gentleman with such directions as left 
nothing to be desired. " The Josslines," writes Mr. 
Hunter (" the name is written in some variety of ortho- 
graphies, and now more usually Joceline), are quite one 
of the old aristocratic families of England, having seve- 
ral knights in the early generations ; being admitted 
into the order of baronets, and subsequently into the 
peerage. . . . Their main settlement was in Hertford- 
shire, at or near the town of Sabridgeworth ; and ac- 
counts of them may be read in the histories — of which 
Chauncy's, Salmon's, and Clutterbuck's are the chief — 
of that county. But a fuller and better account is to 

i Willis, in N. E. Geneal. Register, vol. ii. p. 204; and New Series of the same, vol. 
i. p. 31. Williamson, Hist, of Maine, vol. i. p. 682. 

' 2 Dr. T. W. Harris, in N. E. Geneal. Register, vol. ii. p. 306, has corrected the 
mistake of Williamson and other writers as to Henry Josselyn of Scituate's being of 
kin to Mr. Josselyn of Black Point; and Mr. Willis, who had adopted the same error 
in his first paper, already cited, now admits, in his second, that there is not "any evi- 
dence that" the proprietor of Black Point '■ left any children, or ever had any." 


be found in the ' Peerage of Ireland,' by Mr. Lodge, 
keeper of the records in the Birmingham Tower, Dub- 
lin; 4 vols. 8vo, 1754.'* 3 

According to Lodge, the family begins with a Sir 
Egidius, who passed into England in the time of Ed- 
ward the Confessor, and was descended from " Carolus 
Magnus, King of France, with more certainty than the 
houses of Lorraine and Guise." Of this Sir Egidius 
was Sir Gilbert de Jocelyn, who accompanied the Con- 
queror, and had Gilbert — called St. Gilbert, being ca- 
nonized by Pope Innocent III. in 1202 — and Geoffry. 
To this Geoffry is traced back John Jocelyn, living in 
1226 ; who married Catherine, second daughter and 
coheir to Sir Thomas Battell, and had Thomas, who mar- 
ried Maud, daughter and co-heiress of Sir John Hide, 
of Hide Hall in Sabridgeworth, county of Hertford, 
Knt, by his wife Elizabeth, daughter of John Sudeley, 
Baron Sudeley, in the county of Gloucester. He had 
Thomas Jocelyn, Esq., who married Joan, daughter of 
John Blunt, and had Ralph, who married Maud, daugh- 
ter of Sir John Sutton alias Dudley, and had Geoffry 
of Hide Hall, 1312. Geoffry married Margaret, daugh- 
ter of Robert Rokell or Rochill, and had Ralph, who 
married Margaret, daughter and heir to John Patmer, 
Esq., and had Geoffry (died 1425), who married Cathe- 
rine, daughter and heir to Sir Thomas Bray, and had 
four sons and two daughters. Of these, the eldest was 
Thomas Jocelyn, Esq., living in the reign of Edward 
IV., who married Alice, daughter of Lewis Duke, of 

3 Letter of Rev. J. Hunter, 12th April, 1859. 


Dukes in Essex, Esq., by his wife Anne, daughter 
of John Cotton, Esq., and had issue George, his heir, 
called Jocelyn the Courtier, who married Maud, daugh- 
ter and heir to Edmond Bardolph, — Lord Bardolph, — 
and had one daughter and three sons. John Jocelyn, 
Esq., — " auditor of the augmentations, upon the disso- 
lution of the abbeys by King Henry VIII.," — was son 
and heir to the last-mentioned George, and married Phi- 
lippa, daughter of William Bradbury, of Littlebury in 
Essex ; by whom he had Sir Thomas, of Hide Hall, — 
created a Knight of the Bath at the coronation of King 
Edward VI., — who married Dorothy, daughter of Sir 
Geoffry Gales or Gates, Knt, and had issue; 4 one 
daughter marrying Roger Harlakenden, of Carnarthen 
in Kent, Esq. ; and the fifth son being Henry Jocelyn, 
Esq., who married Anne, daughter and heir to Hum- 
phrey Torrell, otherwise Tyrrell, of Torrell' s Hall in 
Essex, — became seated there, and had six sons and six 
daughters. The second son of this family was Sir 
Thomas Jocelyn (father to our author), who was twice 
married. His first wife was Dorothy, daughter of John 
Frank, Esq. ; by whom he had six sons and five daugh- 
ters, — Torrell, born 28th May, 1690 ; Henry, and Henry, 
both died infants ; Thomas, who died without issue, in 
1635, at Bergen op Zoom ; Edward, who, by a lady of 
Georgia, had a daughter Dorothy, and died at Smyrna 
in 1618; Benjamin, born 19th May, 1602; Anne, mar- 
ried to William Mildmay, Esq., by whom she had Itob- 

4 See also a Pedigree of Joselyne from the Visitation of Hertfordshire in 1614, 
furnished by Mr. S. G. Drake to the New-England Genealogical Register, vol. xiv. 
p. 16. This is probably one of the sources from which Lodge's account was derived. 


ert, John, Anne, and Elizabeth ; Dorothy, married to 
John Brewster, Esq., and left no issue ; Elizabeth, mar- 
ried to Francis Neile, Esq., and had Francis, John, and 
Mary; Frances, born 26th March, 1600, and married 
Eev. Clement Vincent ; and Mary, died unmarried. The 
second wife of Sir Thomas Jocelyn was Theodora, 
daughter to Edmond Cooke, of Mount Maschall in 
Kent, Esq. ; and by her he had Henry, John, Theo- 
dora, and Thomazine. Torrell, the eldest son, married, 
first, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Richard Brooke of 
Cheshire, — heir to her grandfather (by the mother), 
Dr. Chaderton, Bishop of Lincoln, — by whom he had 
a daughter, Theodora, married to Samuel Fortrie, Esq., 5 
to whom our author dedicates the present volume, with 
acknowledgment of the " bounty " of his " honored 
friend and kinsman." 

The principal line of the family was continued by 
Richard, heir to Sir Thomas of Hide Hall ; the said 
Richard being brother to our author, John Josselyn's 
grandfather. In 1665, Sir Robert Jocelyn of Elide 
Hall was advanced to the dignity of baronet. The 
fifth son of this Sir Robert was Thomas ; whose son, 
Robert Jocelyn, Esq., was bred to the law ; was Solicitor- 
General and Attorney-General, and Lord High Chan- 
cellor of Ireland ; and created, in 1743, Baron Newport 
of Newport, and Viscount Jocelyn in 1755. Robert, 
son and successor of this nobleman, was created, in 
1771, Earl of Roden, of High Roding, County of Tip- 
perary ; and was ancestor to the present Lord Roden. 6 

5 Lodge, Peerage of Ireland, vol. iii. p. 65, and ante. 
s Lodge, ubi supra. Annual Register, 1771, p. 174. 


Our author, John Josselyn, made his first voyage to 
New England in 1638; arriving in Boston Harbor the 
3d of July, and remaining with his brother at Black 
Point till the 10th of October of the following year. 
While at Boston, he paid his respects to the Governor 
and to Mr. Cotton, being the bearer to the latter of some 
poetical pieces from the poet Quarles ; and, as he says, 
" being civilly treated by all I had occasion to converse 
with." In the account of his first voyage, there is no 
appearance of that dislike to the Massachusetts govern- 
ment and people which is observable in the narrative of 
the second, and may there not unfairly be connected 
with his brother's political and religious differences with 
Massachusetts. 7 His second voyage was made in 1663. 
He arrived at Nantasket the 27th of July, and soon 
proceeded to his brothers plantation, where he tells us 
he staid eight years, and got together the matter of the 
book before us. This was first printed in 1672, but 
occurs also with later dates. It was followed, in 1674, 
by " An Account of Two Voyages to New England ; 

T But there is no doubt that the author was himself as far from sharing in the 
serious English thought of the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay as he was from joining 
in their evangelical faith. Yet there is hardly more than one place in either of his 
books (Voyages, pp. 180-2) where this is offensively brought forward. It is worthy of 
remark, however, that Josselyn's family, in England, was attached rather to the Puri- 
tan side. " His family connections," says Mr. Hunter, in the letter already referred to, 
" appear to have been adherents to the cause of the Parliament; particularly the Har- 
lakendens, in whose regiment a Jocelyn, named Ralph, was a chaplain." Nor is this 
all. "In the year 1663," continues the learned authority just cited, "there was a 
slight insurrectionary movement in the North; which was easily put down by the gov- 
ernment, and the leaders executed. In a manuscript list of persons who were either 
openly engaged, or who were vehemently suspected of being favorers of the design, 
I find in the latter class the name of Capt. John Jossline." This plot was not disco- 
vered till January, 1664; and our John Josselyn "departed from London," as he says at 
page one of this volume, " upon an invitation of my only brother," the 28th of May of 
the year previous. But, if it be possible that our author was the person intended in 


wherein you have the Setting-out of a Ship, with the 
Charges ; the Prices of all Necessaries for furnishing a 
Planter and his Family at his first Coming ; a Descrip- 
tion of the Country, Natives, and Creatures ; the Govern- 
ment of the Countrey as it is now possessed by the 
English, &c. A large Chronological Table of the most 
Remarkable Passages, from the first Discovering of the 
Continent of America to the Year 1673." 12mo, pp. 
279. Reprinted in the third volume of the Third Series 
of the Collections of the Historical Society ; which 
edition is quoted here. A large part of the " Voyages " 
is taken up with observations relating to natural history ; 
and it is quite likely that the author tried in this second 
work to supply some of the defects of his " Parities." 
Compare especially the accounts of beasts of the earth, 
of buds, and of fishes ; each of which is better done in 
the " Voyages." 

Josselyn was, it appears, a man of polite reading. 
He quotes Lucan, Pliny, and Du Bartas ; he has Latin 
and Italian proverbs ; he is acquainted with the writ- 
ings of Mr. Perkins, that famous divine ; with Van 

the manuscript list as one strongly suspected of being engaged in a design against the 
Royal Government, the evident uncertainty of this is too great to permit us to dis- 
credit his own exposure of his political leanings, — as in the Voyages, p. 197, where, 
speaking of Sir F. Gorges, he says, " And, when he was between three and fourscore 
years of age, did personal]}- engage in our royal martyr's service, and particularly in 
the siege of Bristow; and was plundered and imprisoned several tiirjes, by reason 
whereof he was discountenanced by the pretended Commissioners for Forraign Planta- 
tions," and so forth, — or in the face of another passage to be quoted further on, in 
■which he acknowledges " the bounty of his royal sovereigness," to question the sincerity 
— which there is nothing in either of his books to throw doubt upon — of his general 
adhesion to the Royalist side. "The family in Hertfordshire," says Mr. Hunter, "were 
nonconformists; but the spirit of nonconformity seems to have spent itself at the death 
of Sir Strange Jocelyn, the second baronet, who died in 1734. But we may trace the 
Puritan influence in the present Earl of Roden, who is a conspicuous member of the 
religious body in England called the Evangelical." — Ms. ut sup. 



Helmont ; with Sandys's " Travels,'' and Capt. John 
Smith's. His curiosity in picking up " excellent mede- 
cines " points to an acquaintance with physic ; of his 
practising which, there occur, indeed (pp. 48, 58, 63), 
several instances. 8 Nor is he, by any means, uninte- 
rested in prescriptions for the kitchen ; as see his ela- 
borate recipe for cooking eels (Voyages, p. Ill), and 
also that (ibid., p. 190) for a compound liquor "that 
exceeds passada, the Nectar of the country ; " which is 
made, he tells us, of " Syder, Maligo-Raisons, Milk, 
and Syrup of Clove-Gilliflowers." But his curiosity in 
natural history, and especially in botany, is his chief 
merit ; and this now gives almost all the value that is 
left to his books. William Wood, the author of " New- 
England's Prospect" (London, 1634 10 ), was a better ob- 
server, generally, than Josselyn ; but the latter makes 
up for his other short-comings by the particularity of 
his botanical information. 

The " Voyages " was Josselyn's last appearance in 
print. He was already advanced in years, and alludes 
to this at page 69 of the present book, where he says 

8 And see the Voyages, p. 187, for an account of a " Barbarie-Moor under cure" 
of the author, when he "perceived that the Moor had one skin more than Englishmen. 
The skin that is basted to the flesh is bloudy, and of the same Azure colour with the 
veins, but deeper than the colour of our Europeans' veins. Over this is an other skin, 
of a tawny colour, and xipon that [the] Epidermis, or Outicula, — the flower of the 
skin, which is that Snake's cast; and this is tawny also. The colour of the blew skin 
mingling with the tawny, makes them appear black." Dr. Mitchell, the botanist of 
Virginia, has a paper upon the same topic, — the cause of the negro's color, — in the 
Philosophical Transactions; but this appears less in accordance with more recent re- 
searches (Prichard, Nat. Hist, of Man, p. 81) than Josselyn's observations. 

9 " His book is a curiosity, sometimes worth examining, but seldom to be implicitly 
relied on." — Savage, in Winthrop, N. E., vol. i. p. 267, note. 

10 Reprinted, the third edition, with an introductory essay and some notes; Boston, 
1704, — the edition made use of in these notes. 


he shall refer the further investigation of a curious 
plant — of which a neighbor, " wandering in the woods 
to find out his strayed cattle," had brought him a frag- 
ment — "to" those that are younger, and better able 
to undergo the pains and trouble of finding it out." 
"Henceforth," he declares in his "Voyages," p. 151, 
" you are to expect no more Relations from me. I am 
now return d into my Native Countrey ; and, by the pro- 
vidence of the Almighty and the bounty of my Royal 
Soveraigness, am disposed to a holy quiet of study and 
meditation for the good of my soul ; and being blessed 
with a transmentitation or change of mind, and weaned 
from the world, may take up for my word, non est mor- 
tale quod opto." 

"We may suppose that a rude acquaintance with the 
more common or important animals of a new country 
will commence with the. discovery of it. Thus the be- 
ginning of European knowledge of the marine animals 
of America goes back, doubtless, to the earliest fisheries 
of Newfoundland ; and these began almost immediately 
after the discovery of the continent. Game and peltry 
were also likely to come to the knowledge of the ear- 
liest adventurers ; and scattered among these, from the 
first, were doubtless men capable of regarding the world 
of new objects around them with an intelligent, if not 
a literate eye. Descriptions in this way, and speci- 
mens, at length reached Europe, and became known to 
the learned there — to Gesner, Clusius, and Aldrovan- 
dus — from as early as the middle of the sixteenth 
century. Without being naturalists, such observers as 
Heriot in Virginia (1585-6) and Wood in Massachu- 


setts (1631) could give valuable accounts of what they 
saw ; and more, it may well be, was due to the Christian 
missionaries, who accompanied or followed the adventu- 
rers, for the conversion of the heathen. Gabriel Sagard 
was one of these missionaries, a recollet or reformed 
Franciscan monk, who went from Paris to Canada in 
1621, and spent two years in the country of the Hurons ; 
publishing his " Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons " in 
1632, and enlarging it in 1636 to " Histoire du Canada 
et Voyages que les Freres Mineurs recollets y ont faits 
pour la Conversion des Inficlelles," &c, in four books ; of 
which the third treats of natural history, 1 and is cited 
by Messrs. Audubon and Bachmann (Vivip. Quadru- 
peds of N. A., passim) for a good part of our more 
common and noticeable Mammalia. Something consi- 
derable thus got to be known of marine animals of all 
sorts, and of quadrupeds. But it was much longer 
before our birds — if we except a very few, as the blue- 
jay and the turkey — came to the scientific knowledge 
of Europeans ; and this remark is, as might be ex- 
pected, at least equally true of our reptiles. 

Quite as accidental, doubtless, was the beginning of 
European acquaintance with our plants. There are, 
indeed, traces of the knowledge of a few at a very 
early period. Dalechamp, Clusius, Lobel, and Alpinus 
— all authors of the sixteenth century — must be cited 
occasionally in any complete synonymy of our Flora. 
The Indian-corn, the side-saddle flower (Sarracenia pur- 
purea and S. flava), the columbine, the common milk- 

1 Biographie Universelle, in hco. 


weed (Asclepias Cornuti), the everlasting (Antennaria 
margaritacea), and the Arbor vitcs, were known to the 
jnst-mentioned botanists before 1600. Sarracenia flava 
was sent either from Virginia, or possibly from some 
Spanish monk in Florida. Clusius's figure of our well- 
known northern 8. purpurea — of which he gives, how- 
ever, only the leaves and base of the stem ( Clus. Hist. PL, 
cit. Gerard a Johnson) — was derived from a specimen 
furnished to him by one Mr. Claude Gonier, apothecary 
at Paris, who himself had it from Lisbon ; whither w r e 
may suppose it was carried by some fisherman from the 
[Newfoundland coast. The evening primrose (CEnothera 
biennis) was knowm in Europe, according to Linnaeus, 
as early as 1614. Polygonum sagittatum and arifolium 
(tear-thumb) w r ere figured by De Laet, probably from 
New r -York specimens, in his " Novus Orbis," 16-33. 
Johnson's edition of Gerard's " Herbal " (1636) — which 
was possibly our author's manual in the study of New- 
England plants — contains some dozen North-American 
species, furnished often from the garden of Mr. John 
Tradescant, who had other plants from " Virginia " be- 
side the elegant one which bears his name ; and John 
Parkinson — whose " Theatrum Botanicum" (1640) is 
declared by Tournefort to embrace a larger number of 
species than any work which had gone before it — de- 
scribes, especially from Cornuti, a still larger number. 
But the first treatise especially concerned with North- 
American plants was that of the French author just 
mentioned ; which, on several accounts, deserves par- 
ticular attention. 

John Robin — " second to none," says Tournefort, " in 


the knowledge and cultivation of plants " — was placed 
in charge of the Royal Botanical Garden at Paris, about 
the year 1570; and Vespasian Eobin, "a most diligent 
botanist," followed, in similar connection 9 with the larger 
garden founded by Lewis the Thirteenth. Both are 
said to have assisted the writer whose book we are to 
notice ; but especially the latter, 3 who, there is little 
doubt, deserves credit for all the American species de- 
scribed in it. 

The history of Canadian and other new plants — 
" Canadensium Plantarum, aliarumque nondum edita- 
rum Historia " of Jacobus Cornuti, Doctor of Medicine, 
of Paris — was printed in that city (pp. 238) in 1635, 
under the patronage just mentioned ; and contains ac- 
counts, accompanied, in every case but one, with figures 
on copper, of thirty-seven of our plants ; of which the 
meadow-rue is known to botanists as Thalictrum Cor- 
nuti ; and the common milkweed, as Asdepias Cornuti. 
Though himself not eminent as a botanist, 4 the work of 

2 He is called Botanicus Regius by Cornuti, p. 22; and the same title is given to 
both the Robins, in the printed catalogue of plants cultivated by them. Tournefort 
indicates the office of Vespasian Robin, at the new Botanic Garden, as follows: " Bros- 
sceus . . . primus Horti prajfectus, studiosis plantas indigitandi numeri prajposuit 
Vespasianum Robinum diligentissimum Botanicum." — Inst. Rei Herb., vol. i. p. 48. 
And the recent writer in the Biographie Universelle, says, more expressly, that the 
royal ordonnance establishing the garden names Vespasian Robin "sub-demonstrator" 
of botany, with a stipend of two hundred francs yearly. According to this writer, 
the two Robins were not, as has been said, father and son, but brothers; and Vespa- 
sian the elder. This one must have reached a great age, as the celebrated Morrison, 
•who visited France in 1640, and remained there twelve years, calls himself his dis- 
ciple. — Biog. Universelle, in loco. 

3 Tournefort, ubi supra. 

i Cornuti autem parum fuit in plantarum cognitione versatus, ut manifestum est 
ex ineptis appellatiouibus quibus utitur in Enchiridio Botanico Parisiensi, et descrip- 
tionibus speciosis ab Herbariorum stylo tamen alienis. — Tournef. Inst, vol. i. p.,43. 
Compare, as to the botanical merits of Cornuti, the writer in Biographie Universelle, 


Cornuti was valuable for its elegant presentation of much 
that was new ; and it will always deserve honorable 
remembrance in the history of our Flora. There are 
several passages of it — as at pp. 5 and 7, and in the 
account of the two baneberries at p. 76, where we read, 
" Opacis et sylvestribus locis in eadem Americas parte 
frequentissimum est geminum genus " — which look 
a little like a proper botanical collector's notes on his 
specimens ; and these specimens, and the others from 
the same region, may well have been results of the 
herborizing of that worthy Franciscan missionary, whose 
early observations on the natural history of Canada 
have been mentioned already above. Nor were the 
Xorth-American plants possessed by Cornuti entirely 
confined to this region ; for he speaks at the end 
(p. 214) of his having received a root, ex notha Anglia, 
as he strangely calls it, known, it appears, by the 
name of Serpentaria, or, in the vernacular, Snaqroel, 
— a sure remedy for the bite of a huge and most 
pernicious serpent in notha Anglia, — which was no 
doubt the snake-root so famous once as a cure for the 
bite of a rattlesnake, and one of the numerous varieties 
of Nabalus albus (L.) Hook., if not, as Pursh supposed, 
what is now the var. Serpentaria, Gray. But some view 
of the scantiness of scientific knowledge of our Flora, 
near forty 7 years after Cornuti, may be had by reckoning 
the number of species for which Bauhin's "Pinax" and 

who says that Cornuti's terminology, to which Tournefort took exception, was that of 
Lobel; and farther, that the catalogue — Enchiridium Botanicum Parisiense — which 
is annexed to Cornuti's larger work, is in several respects creditable to him. — Biog. 
Vrui\. in. loco. 


" Prodromus " (1671) are cited by Linnaeus in the " Spe- 
cies Plantarum." Most of them are Southern plants ; 
and the few decidedly Northern ones which meet us — 
as Cornus Canadensis, Uvularia perfoliata, Trillium erec- 
tum, Arum triphyllum, and Adiantum pedatum — are all 
indicated, by Bauhins phrase, as from Brazil ! 

We have nothing illustrating the Flora of New 
England from Cornuti till Josselyn. In Virginia, Mr. 
John Banister, a correspondent of Pay's, began to bota- 
nize probably not long after the middle of the seven- 
teenth century. He was succeeded by several eminent 
names ; as Mark Catesby, F.P.S. (born 1679), John 
Clayton, Esq. (born 1685), and John Mitchell, M.D., 
F.P.S. , — a contemporary of the other two, — who to- 
gether gave to the botany of Virginia a distinguished 
lustre ; as did Cadwalader Golden, Esq. (born 1688), — 
a selection from whose correspondence has been lately 
edited by Dr. Gray, — to that of New York ; John 
Bartram (born 1701), "American botanist to his Bri- 
tannic Majesty," to that of Pennsylvania ; and, some- 
what later, Alexander Garden, M.D., F.P.S. (born 1728), 
to that of South Carolina. Josselyn himself is, indeed, 
little more than a herbalist ; but it is enough that he 
gets beyond that entirely unscientific character. He 
certainly botanized, and made botanical use of Gerard 
and his other authorities. The credit belongs to him 
of indicating several genera as new which were so, and 
peculiar to the American Flora. It may at least be 
said, that, at the time he wrote, there is no reason to 
suppose that any other person knew as much as he did 
of the botany of New England. " The plants in New 


England," he says in his "Voyages," p. 59, "for the 
variety, number, beanty, and virtues, may stand in com- 
petition with the plants of any countrey in Europe. 
Johnson hath added to Gerard's ' Herbal ' three hun- 
dred, and Parkinson mentioneth many more. Had they 
been in New England, they might have found a thou- 
sand, at least, never heard of nor seen by any English- 
man before." 5 Nor did our author fail to adorn his 
" Rarities " with recognizable figures, as well as de- 
scriptions, of some of these new American plants ; 
and his arrangement is also creditable to his botanical 
knowledge. By this arrangement, his collections are 
distinguished into — 

5 Mention of Xew-England plants may be found in earlier writers than Cornuti or 
Josselvn; but what is said is now rarely available. Gosnold's expedition was in 1602; 
and the writer of the account of it tells us that the island upon which his party pro- 
posed to settle (Cuttyhunk, one of the Elizabeth Islands) was covered with "oaks, 
ashes, beech, walnut, witch-hazel, sassafrage, and cedars, with divers others of un- 
known names;" beside " wild pease, young sassafrage, cherry-trees, vines, eglantine, 
gooseberry-bushes, hawthorn, honeysuckles, with others of the like quality;" as also 
''strawberries, rasps, ground-nuts, alexander, surrin, tansy, &c, without count." — 
Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxviii. p. 76. And so the writer of Mourt's Relation, in 1620, 
speaks of " sorrel, yarrow, carvel, brooklime, liverwort, watercresses, &c, as noticed, 
" in winter," however, at Plymouth. — Hist. Coll., vol. viii. p. 221. There is much here 
which is true enough, though the " eglantine " of the first writer is an evident mis- 
take, as doubtless also the "carvel" of the other; but we have no reason to suppose 
that either of these passages ever had any scientific value. Josselyn, so far as his 
Botany goes, does not belong to this class of writers. There are important parts of his 
account of our plants, in which we know with certainty what he intended to tell us; 
and, farther, that this was worth the telling. And the credit which fairly belongs 
to the new genera of American plants, in some sort indicated by him, shall illustrate 
as well those other portions of his work where what he meant is a matter rather of 
deduction from his particulars, such as they are, in the light of his only here-and-there- 
cited authorities, than of plain fact. His English names — common, and perhaps often 
indefinite, as they strike us — had more of scientific value, in botanical hands at least, 
when he wrote, than now; and, there is good reason to suppose, were meant to indi- 
cate that the plants intended, or in some cases the genera to which they belonged, 
were the same with those published, under the same names, by Gerard, Johnson, and 



1. " Such plants as are common with us in England." 

2. " Such plants as are proper to the country." [name." 

3. '•' Such plants as are proper to the country, and have no 

4. " Such plants as have sprung up since the English planted 

and kept cattle in New England." 

The last of these divisions is the most valuable part 
of Josselyn's account, as it affords the only testimony 
that there is to the first notice among us of a number 
of now naturalized weeds, which it is an interesting 
question to separate from the more important class of 
plants truly indigenous in, and common to, both hemi- 
spheres ; and the author's treatment of the latter — as 
indeed of the other two lists mentioned above — show r s 
that he was competent, in a measure, to reckon the for- 
mer. This furnishes a date, and an early one ; and 
there is no other till 1785, when Dr. Manasseh Cutler's 
Memoir, to be spoken of, enables us to limit the appear- 
ance of some other species not mentioned by Josselyn. 

There is no work of any size or importance on New- 
England plants, after Josselyn, for the whole century 
which followed. We were not, indeed, without men in 
distinguished connection with the European scientific 
world. The most eminent New-England family gained 
honors in science, as well as in the conduct of affairs. 
John Winthrop the younger, eldest son of the first 
Governor of Massachusetts, — and the " heir," says Sav- 
age, " of all his father's talents, prudence, and virtues, 
with a superior share of human learning," 6 — was him- 
self the first Governor of Connecticut, and had, in this 

6 Winthrop's Journal, by Savage, edit. 1, vol. i. p. 64, note. See also Bancroft's 
character of the younger VYinthrup, in History of the United States, vol. ii. p. 52. 


connection, a certain scientific position and reputation. 
" The great Mr. Boyle, Bishop Wilkins, with several 
other learned men," says Dr. Eliot, " had proposed to 
leave England, and establish a society for promoting 
natural knowledge in the new colony of which Mr. Win- 
throp, then- intimate friend and associate, was appointed 
Governor. Such men were too valuable to lose from 
Great Britain ; and, Charles II. having taken them un- 
der his protection, the society was there established, 
and obtained the title of the Royal Society of London. 
. . . Mr. Winthrop sent over many specimens of the 
productions of this country, with his remarks upon 
them ; ' and, by an order of the Royal Society, he was 
in a particular manner invited to take upon himself the 
charge of being the chief correspondent in the West, 
as Sir Philiberto Vernatti was in the East Indies.' ' His 
name,' says the same writer, Dr. Cromwell Mortimer, 
Secretary of the Royal Society, in his flattering dedica- 
tion of the fortieth volume of the Philosophical Trans- 
actions to the Governor's grandson, ' had he put it to 
his writings, would have been as universally known as 
the Boyles's, the Wilkins's, and Oldenburghs', and been 
handed down to us with similar applause.' " 7 There is, 
in the volume of Philosophical Transactions for 1670, 
' ; An Extract of a Letter written by John Winthrop, 
Esq., Governor of Connecticut in New England, to the 
Publisher, concerning some Natural Curiosities of those 
Parts ; especially a very strange and curiously-contrived 
Fish, sent for the Repository of the Royal Society " 
(pp. 3) ; in which are mentioned, as sent, specimens of 

Eliot, Bk'jr. Diet., in loco. 


scrub-oak ; " bark of tree with fir-balsam, which grows 
in Nova Scotia, and, as I hear, in the more easterly part 
of New England ; " pods of milk-weed, " used to stuff 
pillows and cushions ; " and " a branch of the tree 
called the cotton-tree, bearing a kind of down, which 
also is not fit to spin." 

Fitz John Winthrop, Esq., F.R.S. (died 1707), son 
of the last, and also Governor of Connecticut, is said 
to have been " famous for his philosophical " (that is, 
scientific) "knowledge." 7 And the second Governor's 
son, John Winthrop, Esq., F.R.S. (died 1747), who left 
this country and passed the latter part of his life in 
England, is declared by the author of the dedication 
already above cited, to have " increased the riches of 
their " (the Royal Society's) " repository with more than 
six hundred curious specimens, chiefly in the mineral 
kingdom ; accompanied with an accurate account of 
each particular." " Since Mr. Colwell," it is added, 
" the founder of the Museum of the Royal Society, you 
have been the benefactor who has given the most nu- 
merous collection." Dr. John Winthrop, F.R.S. (died 
1779), Ffollisian Professor of Mathematics at Cam- 
bridge, N.E., whose important papers on astronomical 
and other related phenomena are to be found in the 
Philosophical Transactions, was of another line of the 
same family. 

Paul Dudley, Esq., F.R.S. (born 1675), son of Gov. 
Joseph Dudley, and himself Chief Justice of Massa- 
chusetts, was author of several papers in the Philoso- 
phical Transactions ; one of which is an " Account of 

7 Eliot, Bio£. Diet., in loco. 


the Poison-wood Tree in New-England " (vol. xxxi. 
p. 135) ; and another, "Observations on some Plants in 
New-England, with Remarkable Instances of the Nature 
and Power of Vegetation " (vol. xxxiii. p. 129). This 
last is of only seven pages, and of little scientific ac- 
count : though we learn from it, that, in 1726, when 
Mr. Dudley wrote, the Pearmain, Kentish Pippin, and 
Golden Eussetin, were esteemed apples here, and the 
Orange and Bergamot cultivated pears ; 8 that, in one 
town in 1721, they made three thousand, and in another 
near ten thousand barrels of cider; and that, to speak 
of " trees of the wood," he knew of a button-wood tree 
which measured nine yards in girth, and made twenty- 
two cords of wood ; and of an ash, which, at a yard 
from the ground, was fourteen feet eight inches in girth. 
He also expresses an intention to treat separately the 
evergreens of New England ; and this treatise, which 
was possibly more valuable than the one just noticed, 
was in the possession of Peter Collinson, Esq., the emi- 
nent patron of horticulture, and was given by him to 
J. E. Gronovius ; but has not, that I am aware of, ap- 
peared in print. 9 

8 Interleaved Almanacs of 1646-48, cited by Savage (Winthvop, N. E., vol. ii. 
p. 332), mention "Tankard" and "Kreton" (perhaps Kirton) apples, as well as Rus- 
setins, Pearmains, and Long-Red apples; beside "the great pears," and apricots, as 
grown here. In the Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay 
(Records of Mass., vol. i. p. 24), there is an undated memorandum, " To provide to send 
for Newe England . . . stones of all sorts of fruites; as peaches, plums, filberts, cher- 
ries, pear, aple, quince kernells," &c, which the " First General Letter of the Gov- 
ernor,"' &c, of the 17th April, 1629, again makes mention of (ibid., p. 392); and .Tosse- 
lyn (Voyages, p. 189) remarks on the " good fruit" reared from such kernels. But, if 
this were the only source of our ancestors' English fruit, the names which they gave 
to the seedlings must have been vague. 

» Gronov. Fl. Virg., edit. 2. In Mr. Dillwyn's (unpublished) "Account of the 
Plants cultivated by t be late Peter Collinson," from his own catalogue and other manu- 


It is likely that the early physicians of New England 
gave special attention to those simples of the country, 
the virtues of which were known to the savages ; and 
perhaps it was partly in this way that the Rev. Jared 
Eliot (bom 1685), minister of Killingworth in Connecti- 
cut, — who is called by Dr. Allen " the first physician 
of his day," — is also designated, both by him and by 
Eliot, a botanist ; and by the latter, " the first in New 
England." There is no doubt he was a friend of Dr. 
Franklin's, and a scientific agriculturist according to the 
knowledge of his day ; and he is said to have introduced 
the white mulberry into Connecticut. 1 His Agricultu- 
ral Essays went through more than one edition, but 
is now rare. Mr. Eliot died while our next character, 
the first native New-England botanist who deserves the 
name, was a student of Yale College. 

Manasseh Cutler, LL.D. (born 1743), was minister of 
the Hamlet in Ipswich — afterwards incorporated as 
the town of Hamilton — fifty-one years, and was also 
a member of the Medical Society of Massachusetts. 
Pie is author of " An Account of some of the Vegetable 
Productions naturally growing in this part of America, 
botanically arranged," which makes nearly a hundred 
pages of the first volume of the Memoirs of the Ame- 
rican Academy, 1785. In the introduction to this paper, 
the author speaks of Canada and the Southern States 
having had attention given to their productions, both by 
some of their own inhabitants and by European natu- 

scripts, I find Collinson quoting Mr. Dudley's pnper on Plants of New England, above 
mentioned; but not that on the Evergreens. — Horlus Cvllins., p. 41. 
1 Eliot, Biog. Diet., and Allen, Amer. Biog. Diet., in hiis. 


ralists ; while " that extensive tract of country which 
lies between them, including several degrees of lati- 
tude, and exceedingly diversified in its surface and soil, 
seems still to remain unexplored." He attributes the 
neglect, in part, to this, — " that botany has never been 
taught in any of our colleges," but principally to the 
prevalent opinion of its unprofitableness in common life. 
The latter error he combats with the then important 
observation, that, " though all the medicinal properties 
and economical uses of plants are not discoverable from 
those characters by which they are systematically ar- 
ranged, yet the celebrated Linnaeus has found that the 
virtues of plants may be, in a considerable degree, and 
most safely, determined by their natural characters : for 
plants of the same natural class are in some measure 
similar ; those of the same natural order have a still 
nearer affinity ; and those of the same genus have very 
seldom been found to differ in their medical virtues " 
(p. 397). This shows, perhaps, that Dr. Cutler appre- 
ciated (for the Italics in the just-quoted passage are 
his own) that adumbration of a natural system which 
was afforded or suggested by the artificial ; and his 
instances — the Graminecs, the Borraginacea, the Um- 
belliferee, the Labiates, the Cruciferce, the Malvacece, 
the Composite, &c. ; though these are cited under the 
divisions, not of the natural, but of the sexual system — 
are still more to the point. There are other observa- 
tions of interest ; and the suggestion is made, that 
persons should collect the plants of their districts, and 
send them from time to time to the Academy. 

Dr. Cutler was thus, possibly, the first to suggest a 


botanical chair in our colleges, and a general herbarium 
to illustrate the Flora of New England ; and perhaps 
it was this last which led him to propose a still more 
important undertaking. " It has long been my inten- 
tion," he says in a letter to Prof. Swartz, of Upsal, dated 
loth October, 1802, " to publish a botanical work, com- 
prising the plants of the northern and eastern States ; 
and [I] have been collecting materials for that pur- 
pose. But numerous avocations, and a variety of other 
engagements, has occasioned delay. It is, however, 
still my intention, if my health permits, to do it. But, 
at this time, far less than in years past, there is very 
little encouragement given here to publications of this 
kind." 2 

About three hundred and seventy plants are indicated 
in the published " Account " of Dr. Cutler. It was not 
to be expected, that, in this beginning, numerous mis- 
takes should not be made. It could not possibly have 
been otherwise. There is still evidence enough of the 
authors genius, which perhaps needed only opportu- 
nity and encouragement to anticipate a part of what 
botany now owes to a Nuttall, a Torrey, and a Gray. 
The " Account " was favorably received by other bota- 
nists of the time, both in this country and abroad. In 
a letter of Muhlenberg to Cutler, dated 9th February, 
1791, the former says, "Not till a few months ago, I 
was favored with the first volume of the Memoirs of 
the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, printed 
at Boston, 1785. Amongst other valuable pieces, I 

2 Mss. Cutler, penes me. 


found your ' Account of Indigenous Vegetables, botani- 
cally arranged ; ' with which I was infinitely pleased, as 
this was the first work that gives a systematical account 
of New-England plants. Being a great friend to botany, 
and having studied it in my leisure-hours upwards of 
fourteen years in Pennsylvania, I know the difficulty 
of arranging the American plants according to the Lin- 
nean system ; and I was always eager to hear of some 
gentleman engaged in similar researches, that, by join- 
ing hands, we might do something towards enlarging 
American Botany. . . . This is the reason why I intrude 
upon your leisure-hours, and crave for your acquaint- 
ance and friendship." 3 Drs. Withering and Stokes, of 
England, were other correspondents of Cutler, and fur- 
nished him with important observations upon his printed 
Memoir, besides specimens ; as did also Swartz, and, 
it appears, Payshull of Sweden. Dr. Stokes followed 
up his various suggestions for the improvement of the 
Memoir, by proposing to dedicate a plant, which he 
took to be new, to its author. " A plant," he says, " like 
a woolly heath, and which I wished to call Cutleria 
ericoides, turns out to be Hudsonia ericoides. I hope, 
however, your herborizations may furnish a new genus 
for you, not likely to be disturbed." — Letters of Stokes 
to Cutler, from "Eeb. 14, '91, to Aug. 17, '93." 3 

But Dr. Cutlers printed memoir on the plants of New 
England is much surpassed in interest by his manu- 
script volumes of descriptions, still extant. These ma- 
nuscript volumes commence with " Book L, 1783," and 

3 Mss. Cutler, penes me. 

130 arcelejologia Americana. 

continue, so far as I have seen them, to 1804. The late 
Mr. Oakes possessed six of these books ; and two were 
given to me by my valued friend, the late Dr. T. W. 
Harris. They are generally entitled, " Descriptions and 
Notes on American Indigenous Plants," and contain a 
vast number of observations and analyses, sometimes 
accompanied by pen-and-ink sketches. This was evi- 
dently the material accumulated for the author s Flora 
above mentioned ; and the following extracts will serve 
to show that he was in many respects qualified to un- 
dertake such a work. Thus, in describing the several 
hickories, he points out those differences from Juglans, 
upon which Nuttall afterwards constituted his genus 
Carya. Again, in the same volume, — that for 1789, — 
there is a N. Gen. Anonymos, minutely described in 
several pages, which is no other than Thesium umbella- 
tum, L., afterwards distinguished by Nuttall as his genus 
Comandra. Again, under Anonymos, Yellow-Sandbind, 
there is a full description of what Nuttall after named 
Hudson la tomentosa. The same volume shows that the 
author had anticipated Prof. Gray in referring Orchis 
jimbriata, as it was called by Pursh and other botanists, 
to 0. psychodes, L. ; and the remark is also made that 
O. lacera Michx., — which Muhlenberg and our other 
writers had mistakenly referred to O. psychodes, till Dr. 
Gray corrected the error, — must be a new species," 
which it then certainly was. Again, there is another 
Anomolos described at length, which is the same after- 
wards constituted by Nuttall his genus Mlcrostylls. So 
Campanula hnniida (Cutler mss.) is what Pursh desig- 
nated, long after, C. aparinoides. Again, in another vo- 


lume (for 1800), he anticipates Pursh by proposing for 
our water-shield the name Brasenia ovalifolia ; and, in 
yet another, he is before Bigelow in describing as a new 
species what the latter, many years later, published as 
Prunus obovata. This may suffice to indicate the merits 
of the botanist of Ipswich Hamlet. A little shrub- 
willow, with clean, shining leaves, and modest catkins, 
— inhabiting, almost everywhere, the alpine regions of 
the "White Mountains, and gathered by him there, before 
any other botanist had penetrated those solitudes, — still 
reminds us of his name, which deserves to be remem- 
bered by his countrymen. 

After Cutler, there appeared nothing of importance 4 
on our botany, till the present elder school of New- 
England botanists — a school characterized by the names 
of an Oakes, a Boott, and an Emerson — was founded, 
now more than forty years ago, by the classical Florida 
of Bigelow. 

4 The late Dr. Waterhouse, Professor of Medicine at Cambridge, read lectures 
on Natural History to his classes as early as 1788, and published the botanical part of 
these lectures in the Monthly Anthology, 1804-8; reprinting this in 1811, with the title 
of the Botanist (Boston, 8vo, pp. 228). In the preface to this volume, the author's 
are claimed to have been the first public lectures on Natural History given in the 
United States. The Massachusetts Professorship of Botany and Entomology was 
founded in 1805, and the Botanical Garden in 1S07; but the eminent naturalist who 
first filied the chair left little behind him to bear witness to his acknowledged "learn- 
ing and genius." — Quincy, Hist. Hnrv. Univ., vol. ii. p. 330. The studies of Peck were 
not, however, confined to the Fauna and Flora of New England; and his distinguished 
successors in the lecture-room and the botanical garden — Mr. Nuttall, the late Dr. 
Harris, and Professor Gray — may be said to have maintained a like general, rather 
than local character, in the entomological and botanical investigations pursued at the 


The book is reprinted literally, except in the following items : — 

Page 18, line 5, of the old edition, " amphibius" is spelled right. 

Page 28, line 16, " Fresh-water mullet " is brought into a line by itself, instead of 

being made an apparent synonyme of the morse. 
Page 32, line 6, one of the names of the yard-fish is omitted. 
Page 47, line 15, " Akrons," where it occurs first, is corrected akorns. 
Page 48, line 14, the same correction is made where "akrons" first occurs. 
Page 54, line 5, " Knavers " is spelled knaves. 
Page 58, line 18, "it" is printed its. 
Page 61, line 2, comma omitted after blackish. 
Page 86, line 21, " Planets" is corrected to plants. 
Page 101, line last, " ones " is corrected to one. 
Page 104, line 4, " Richards" is printed Richard; and, line 5, " Water" is corrected to 

Page 104 to end, "Anno Bom." is omitted from the old paging, but inserted in the new 

paging instead. 
In the list of Fishes (the book proposing to consider New-England Curiosities), all 

those fishes which, according to the author, either in this book or the Voyages, 

are found in New-England waters, are distinguished from the rest by Italic letters. 



Difcovered : 

I N 

Birds, Be aft s, Fifoes, Serpents, 

and Plants of that Country. 

Together with 

The Phyfical and Chyrurgical Reme- 
dies wherewith the Natives con- 
ftantly ufe to Cure their Distem- 
pers, Wounds, and Sores. 

A perfect Dejcription of an Indian 

S^HJA, in all her Bravery ; with a 

POEM not improperly conferr'd 

upon her. 



of the mod remarkable Paffages in that 
Country amongft the English. 

Illujtrated with CUTS. 


London, Printed for G. Widdowes at the 

Green Dragon in St. Pauls Church yard, 1672. 




It was by your assistance (enabling me) that I commenc'd 
a voyage into those remote parts of the world (known to us by the 
painful discovery of that memorable gentleman, Sir Fran. Drake). 
Your bounty, then and formerly, hath engaged a retribution of my 
gratitude ; and, not knowing how to testifie the same unto you other- 
ways, I have (although with some reluctancy) adventured to obtrude 
upon you these rude and indigested eight years' observations, wherein 
whether I shall more shame my self, or injure your accurate judgment 
and better employment in the perusal, is a question. 

We read of kings and gods that kindly took 
A pitcher fill'd with water from the brook. 

The contemplation whereof (well knowing your noble and generous 
disposition) hath confirm'd in me the hope that you will pardon my 
presumption, and accept the tender of the fruits of my travel after 
this homely manner, and my self as, 

Your highly obliged and most humble Servant, 




In the year of our Lord, 1663, May 28, upon an invitation 
from my only brother, I departed from London, and arrived 
at Boston, the chief town in the Massachusets, a colony of 
Englishmen in New England, the 28th of July following. 

Boston (whose longitude is 315 deg., and 42 deg. 30 min. 
of north latitude) is built on the south-west side of a bay 
large enough for the anchorage of 500 sail of ships. The 
buildings are handsome, joyning one to the other as in Lon- 
don ; with many large streets, most of them paved with pebble 
stone. In the high street towards the Common, there are 
fair buildings, some of stone ; and, at the east end of the 
[2] town, one amongst the rest, built by the shore by Mr. 
Gibs, a merchant, being a stately edifice, which it is thought 
will stand him in little less than £3,000 before it be fully 
finished. 1 The town is not divided into parishes ; yet they 

1 This house was one Mr. Robert Gibbs's, " of an ancient family in Devonshire," 
says Farmer (Geneal. Reg., p. 120); and it stood on Fort Hill, the way leading to it 
becoming afterwards known as Gibbs's Lane, and a wharf at the waterside, belonging 
to the property, as Gibbs's Wharf. Mr. W. B. Trask, who obligingly examined for me 
the early deeds concerning this estate in Suffolk Registry, furnishes a memorandum, 
that on the 6th June, 1671, Robert Gibbs of Boston, merchant, conveys to Edward and 
Elisha Hutchinson, in trust, for Elizabeth, wife of said Robert, during her life, and after 
her decease to such child or children as he shall have by her, his land and house on 
Fort Hill, with warehouse on wharf, ' which land was formerly my grandfather, 
Henry Webb's.' The wife of said Robert Gibbs was daughter to Jacob Sheafe by 
Margaret, daughter to Henry Webb, mercer. Sampson Sheafe, a Provincial councillor 
of New Hampshire, and the ancestor of a family of long standing there, married 
another daughter of Jacob Sheafe. Mr. Gibbs was father to the Rev. Henry Gibbs, 
minister of Watertown, anl had other children; and the family continues to this 



have three fair meeting-houses, or churches, which hardly 
suffice to receive the inhabitants and strangers that come in 
from all parts. 2 

Having refreshed myself here for some time, and opportune- 
ly lighting upon a passage in a bark belonging to a friend of 
my brother's, and bound to the eastward, I put to sea again ; 
and, on the fifteenth of August, I arrived at Black Point, 
otherwise called Scarborow, the habitation of my beloved 
brother, 3 being about an hundred leagues to the eastward of 
Boston. Here I resided eight years, and made it my business 
to discover, all along, the natural, physical, and chyrurgical 
rarities of this new-found world. 

New England is said to begin at 40, and to end at 46, of 
northerly latitude ; that is, from De la Ware Bay to New- 

The sea-coasts are accounted wholsomest : the east and 
south winds, coming [3] from sea, produceth warm weather ; 
the north-west, coming over land, causeth extremity of cold, 
and many times strikes the inhabitants, both English and 
Indian, with that sad disease called there the " plague of the 
back," but with us empiema. i 

2 Compare the author's Voyages, pp. 19, 161, 1V3, for other notices of Boston, and 
as to the first of these, which represents the town (in 1638) as " rather a village, . . . 
there being not above twenty or thirty houses," see the note in Savage's Winthrop, 
edit. 1, vol. i. p. 267. 

3 Mr. Henry Josselyn was probably living at Black Point in 1638, when his brother 
first visited it (Voyages, p. 20). It was then the estate (by grant from the council at 
Plymouth) and residence of Captain Thomas Cammock; but he, dying in 1643, be- 
queathed it, except five hundred acres which were reserved to his wife, to Josselyn, 
who, marrying the widow, succeeded to the whole property, which was described as 
containing fifteen hundred acres ( Willis, infra), but is called by Sullivan five thou- 
sand (History of Maine, p. 128). In 1658, this and other adjoining tracts were erected 
into a town by Massachusetts, under the name of Scarborough, which is thus further 
noticed by our author in his Voyages, p. 201, as " the town of Black Point, consist- 
ing of about fifty dwelling-houses, and a Magazine, or Doganne, scatteringly built. 
They have store of neat and horses, of sheep near upon seven or eight hundred, much 
arable and marsh, salt and fresh, and a corn-mill." — Comp. Williamson's Hist, of 
Maine, vol. i. pp. 392, 666; Willis in Geneal. Register, vol. i. p. 202. 

4 Empyema is a result of disease of the lungs. See Voyages, p. 121. 


The country generally is rocky and mountainous, and ex- 
tremely overgrown with wood, yet here and there beautified 
with large, rich valleys, wherein are lakes ten, twenty, yea 
sixty miles in compass, out of which our great rivers have 
their beginnings. 5 

Fourscore miles (upon a direct line) to the north-west of 
Scarborow, a ridge of mountains run north-west and north- 
east an hundred leagues, known by the name of the White 
Mountains, upon which lieth snow all the year, and is a land- 
mark twenty miles off at sea. It is rising ground from the 
sea-shore to these hills, and they are inaccessible but by the 
gullies which the dissolved snow hath made. In these gullies 
grow saven bushes, which, being taken hold of, are a great 
help to the climbing discoverer. Upon the top of the highest 
of these mountains is a large level [4] or plain of a day's 
journey over, whereon nothing grows but moss. At the far- 
ther end of this plain is another hill, called the Sugar Loaf; 
to outward appearance, a rude heap of massie stones, piled 
one upon another ; and you may, as you ascend, step from one 
stone to another, as if you were going up a pair of stairs ; but 
winding still about the hill, till you come to the top ; which 
will require half a day's time, and yet it is not above a mile ; 
where there is also a level of about an acre of ground, with a 
pond of clear water in the midst of it; which you may hear 
run down, — but how it ascends is a mystery. From this 
rocky hill, you may see the whole country round about : it is 
far above the lower clouds, and from hence we beheld a 
vapour (like a great pillar) drawn up by the sunbeams out 
of a great lake or pond into the air, where it was formed into 
a cloud. The country beyond these hills northward is daunt- 

6 Compare the accounts of the first appearance of the country by the Rev. Francis 
Higginson and Mr. Thomas Graves, both well-qualified observers, in New-England's 
Plantation, London, 1630; reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. i. p. 117. And see Wood's 
New England's Prospect, a book which our author was probably acquainted with; as 
compare p. 4 of Wood (edit. 1764) with the beginning of p. 3 of the Rarities, and some 
other places in both. 


ing terrible, being full of rocky hills, as thick as mole-hills in 
a meadow, and cloathed with infinite thick woods. 6 

New England is by some affirmed to be an island, bounded 
on the north with the [5] river Canada, — so called from 
Monsieur Cane ; on the south with the river Mohegan, or 
Hudson's River, — so called because he was the first that dis- 
covered it. Some will have America to be an island ; which, 
out of question, must needs be, if there be a north-east pas- 

6 The earliest ascents of the White Mountains were those ipade by Field and 
others in 1642, of which we have some account in Winthrop's Journal (by Savage, 
edit. 1, vol. ii. pp. 67, 89). Darby Field, " an Irishman living about Pascataquack," has 
the honor of being the first European who set foot upon the summit of Mount Wash- 
ington. He appears at Exeter in 1639, and was at Dover in 1645, and died there in 
1649, leaving a widow, and, it is said, children (A. H. Quint, in N. E. Geneal. Reg., 
vol. vi. p. 38). It seems likely, from his account, that Field, on reaching the Indian 
town in the Saco Valley, "at the foot of the hill" where the "two branches of Saco 
river met," pursued his way up the valley either of Rocky Branch or of Ellis River, 
till he gradually attained to the region of dwarf firs, on what is known as Boott's Spur, 
which is between the "valley" called Oakes's Gulf, in which the " Mount Washing- 
ton" branch of the Saco has its head, and the valley in which the Rocky Branch rises 
(see G. P. Bond's Map of the White Mountains). There is no other way that shall fulfil 
the conditions of the narrative except that over Boott's Spur; but of the three streams, 
that is, " the two branches of Saco River," which come together at or near the probable 
site of the Indian town, the Rocky Branch is the shortest, and its valley the most as- 
cending. Field repeated his visit, with some others, "about a month after;" and later, 
in the same year, the mountains were visited by the worshipful Thomas Gorges, Esq., 
Deputy-Governor, and Richard Vines, Esq., Councillor of the Province of Maine, of 
which Winthrop takes notice at p. 89. Whether Josselyn went up himself, or had his 
account from others, does not appear. But his calling the mountains " inaccessible but 
by the gullies," leaves it at least supposable, that he, or the party from which he got 
his information (perhaps Gorges's), instead of gradually ascending the long ridges, or 
spurs, penetrated into one of the gulfs (as they are there called), or ravines, of the east- 
ern side; the walls of which are exceedingly steep, and literally inaccessible in many 
parts, except by the gullies. The " large level or plain of a day's journey over, whereon 
grows nothing but moss," is noticed in Winthrop's account of Gorges's ascent, but not 
in that of Field's; and this plain — which doubtless includes what has since been 
called " Bigelow's Lawn " (lying immediately under the south-eastern side of the summit 
of Mount Washington), but understood also, in Gorges's account, to extend northward 
as far as the "Lake of the Clouds" — furnishes another ground for supposing that 
the last-mentioned explorer, or, at least, Josselyn, may have penetrated the mountain 
by one of its eastern ravines; several of which head in the great plain mentioned, while 
that is rather remote from what we have taken for Field's " ridge." Our author is the 
only authority for the "pond of clear water in the midst of" the top of Mount Wash- 
ington; though a somewhat capacious spring, which was well known there before the 
putting-up of the house on the summit, may have been larger once; or he may rather 
have mistaken, or misremembered, the position of the Lake of the Clouds. 


sage found out into the South Sea. 7 It contains 1,152,400,000 
acres. The discovery of the north-west passage, which lies 
within the river of Canada, was undertaken with the help of 
some Protestant Frenchmen, which left Canada and retired 
to Boston about the year 1669. The north-east people of 
America (i.e., New England, &c.) are judged to be Tartars, 
called Samoades ; being alike in complexion, shape, habit, 
and manners (see the Globe). Their language is very signifi- 
cant, using but few words ; every word having a diverse 
signification, which is exprest by their gesture : as, when 
they hold their head of one side, the word signifieth one 
thing ; holding their hand up when they pronounce it signi- 
fieth another thing. Their speeches in their assemblies are 
very gravely delivered, commonly in perfect hexamiter verse, 
with great silence and attention ; and answered again ex tem- 
pore, after the same manner. 8 

[6] Having given you some short notes concerning the coun- 
try in general, I shall now enter upon the proposed discovery 
of the natural, physical, and chyrurgical rarities ; and, that I 
may methodically deliver them unto you, I shall cast them 
into this form : 1. Birds ; 2. Beasts ; 3. Fishes ; 4. Serpents 
and Insects ; 5. Plants, — of these, first, such plants as are 
common with us ; second, of such plants as are proper to the 
country ; third, of such plants as are proper to the country, 
and have no name known to us ; fourth, of such plants as 
have sprung up since the English planted and kept cattle 
there ; fifth, of such garden herbs (amongst us) as do thrive 
there, and of such as do not ; sixth, of stones, minerals, metals, 
and earths. 

7 Compare, as to the insulation of the tract understood bv Josselyn as New Eng- 
land, Palfrey, Hist. N. E., vol. i. pp. 1, 2, and note, and the accompanying map. 

8 See the author's larger account of the natives in his Voyages, pp. 123-150. 



The Humming-Bird. 

The humming-bird, the least of all birds, little bigger than 
a dor ; of variable glittering colors. They feed upon honey, 
which they suck out of blossoms [7] and flowers with their 
long, needle-like bills. They sleep all winter, and are not to 
be seen till the spring ; at which time they breed in little 
nests, made up like a bottom of soft, silk-like matter ; their 
eggs no bigger than a white pease. They hatch three or four 
at a time, and are proper to this country. 

The Trociclus. 10 

The troculus, a small bird, black and white, no bigger 
than a swallow ; the points of whose feathers are sharp, 
which they stick into the sides of the chymney (to rest them- 
selves, their legs being exceeding short), where they breed 
in nests made like a swallow's nest, but of a glewy substance ; 
and which is not fastened to the chymney as a swallow's nest, 
but hangs down the chymney by a clew-like string a yard 
long. They commonly have four or five young ones ; and 
when they go away, which is much about the time that swal- 
lows use to depart, they never fail to throw down one of 
their young birds into the room by way of gratitude. I have 
more than once observed, that, against the ruin of the family, 
these birds will suddenly forsake the house, and come no 

9 There is a much fuller account — to be noticed again — of our birds, in the Voy- 
ages, pp. 95-103. Wood's (N. E. Prospect, chap, viii.) is also curious. In the notes 
which immediately follow, on the birds, beasts, fishes, and reptiles, the oldest writers 
on our natural history will be found often to explain or illustrate each other. 
10 Chimney-swallow. 

new-exgland's rarities discovered. 143 

[8] The Pilhartnaio} 

The pilhannaw, or mechquan, much like the description of 
the Indian ruck ; a monstrous great bird ; a kind of hawk, 
— some say an eagle ; four times as big as a goshawk ; white- 
mailed ; having two or three purple feathers in her head, as 
long as geeses' feathers they make pens of. The quills of 
these feathers are purple, as big as swans' quills, and trans- 
parent. Her head is as big as a child's of a year old ; a very 
princely bird. When she soars abroad, all sort of feathered 
creatures hide themselves ; yet she never preys upon any of 
them, but upon fawns and jaccals. She ayries in the woods 
upon the high hills of Ossapy, and is very rarely or seldome 

The Turhie? 

The turkie, who is blacker than ours. I have heard several 
credible persons affirm they have seen turkie-cocks that have 

1 " The pilhannaw is the king of birds of prey in New England. Some take him to 
be a kind of eagle; others for the Indian ruck, — the biggest bird that is, except the 
ostrich. One Mr. Hilton, living at Pascataway, had the hap to kill one of them. Being 
by the sea-side, he perceived a great shadow over his head, the sun shining out clear. 
Casting up his eyes, he saw a monstrous bird soaring aloft in the air; and, of a sudden, 
all the ducks and geese (there being then a great many) dived under water, nothing 
of them appearing but their heads. Mr. Hilton, having made readie his piece, shot 
and brought her down to the ground. How he disposed of her, I know not; but had he 
taken her alive, and sent her over into England, neither Bartholomew nor Sturbridge 
Fair could have produced such another sight." — Josselyn's Voyages, p. 95. These 
notices have been taken to be sufficient by some writers to show the probable exist- 
ence of " a bird of prey, very large and bold, on the back of some of our American 
plantations." But our author's account indicates clearly a crested eagle, which we 
cannot explain by any thing nearer home than the yzquautli, or crested vulture of Mexico 
and the countries south of it (Falco Harpyjn, Gmel.); two notices of which (cited by 
Linnaeus) had been published some twenty years before Josselyn wrote, and may have 
been supposed by him to be applicable to a large bird which he had heard of as inha- 
biting mountains about Ossipee. The great heron — an inhabitant of the coast, and 
so uncommon inland that " one . . . shot in the upper parts of New Hampshire was 
described to" Wilson "as a great curiosity" (Amer. Ornith., by Brewer, p. 555) — has 
the size and the crest of Josselyn's bird; and, if this last was only (as is possible) the 
name of a confused conception made up from several accounts of large birds, the heron 
may well be thought to have had a share in it. 

2 " Of these, sometimes there will be forty, threescore and a hundred, of a flock; 
sometimes more, and sometimes less. Their feeding is acorns, hawes, and berries: 


weighed forty, yea, sixty pound. But, out of my personal, 
experimental knowledge, I can assure you that I have eaten 
my share of a turkie-cock, that, when he was pull'd and gar- 
bidg'd, weighed thirty [9] pound ; and I have also seen three- 
score broods of young turkies on the side of a marsh, sunning 
of themselves in a morning betimes. But this was thirty 
years since ; the English and the Indians having now de- 
stroyed the breed, so that 'tis very rare to meet with a wild 
turkie in the woods. But some of the English bring up great 
store of the wild kind, which remain about their houses as 
tame as ours in England. 

The Goose? 

The goose, of which there are three kinds, ■ — the gray 
goose, the white goose, and the brant. The goose will live a 
long time. I once found in a white goose three hearts. She 
was a very old one ; and so tuff, that we gladly gave her 
over, although exceeding well roasted. 

some of them get a haunt to frequent English corn. In winter, when the snow covers 
the ground, they resort to the seashore to look for shrimps, and such small fishes, at 
low tides. Such as love turkey-hunting must follow it in winter, after a new-fallen 
snow, when he may follow them by their tracks. Some have killed ten or a dozen in 
half a day. If they can be found towards an evening, and watched where they perch, 
— if one come about ten or eleven of the clock, — he may shoot as often as he will: 
they will sit, unless they be slenderly wounded. These turkies remain all the year 
long. The price of a good turkey-cock is four shillings; and he is well worth it, for 
he may be in weight forty pounds: a hen, two shillings." — Wood, N. Eng. Prospect, 
chap. viii. See also Josselyn's Voyages, p. 99. 

3 "The geese of the country be of three sorts. First, a brant goose; which is a 
goose almost like the wild goose in England. The price of one of these is sixpence. 
The second kind is a white goose, almost as big as an English tame goose. These 
come in great flocks about Michaelmas: sometimes there will be two or three thou- 
sand in a flock. Those continue six weeks, and so fly to the southward; returning in 
March, and staying six weeks more, returning to the northward. The price of one of 
these is eightpence. The third kind of geese is a great grey goose, with a black neck, 
and a black and white head; strong of flight: and these be a great deal bigger than 
the ordinary geese of England; some very fat, and, in the spring, full of feathers, that 
the shot can scarce pierce them. Most of these geese remain with us from Michaelmas 
to April. They feed in the sea upon grass in the bays at low water, and gravel, and 
in the woods of acorns; having, as other fowl have, their pass and repass to the north- 
ward and southward. The accurate marksmen kill of these both flying and sitting. 
The price of a grey goose is eighteen-pence." — Wood, N. E. Prospect, I. c. The white 

new-england's rarities discovered. 145 

The Bloody -Flux cured. 

A friend of mine, of good quality, living some time in Vir- 
ginia, was sore troubled, for a long time, Avith the bloody-flux. 
Having tryed several remedies, by the advice of his friends, 
without any good effect, at last was induced with a long- 
ing desire to drink the fat-dripping [10] of a goose newly 
taken from the fire ; which absolutely cured him, who was in 
despair of ever recovering his health again. 

The Gripe and Vulture. 

The gripe, which is of two kinds, — the one with a white 
head, the other with a black head : this we take for the vul- 
ture. They are both cowardly kites, 4 preying upon fish cast 

goose here mentioned is probably the snow-goose ; upon which compare Nuttall, Mass. 
Ornith., Water-Birds, p. 344. Josselyn (Voyages, p. 100) says the brant and the gray 
goose "are best meat; the white are lean and tough, and live a long time; whereupon 
the proverb, ' Older than a white goose:' " which is not supported by Wood or later 
writers. The snow-goose has become much less frequent with us since the settlement 
of the country. The great grey goose of Wood is our well-known Canada goose. 

4 This was the best that our author could say of the eagles of New England. Wood 
assists us once more here: "The eagles of the country be of two sorts, — one like the 
eagles that be in England; the other is something bigger, with a great white head and 
white tail. These be commonly called gripes." — New-Eng. Prosjiect, I. c. The first 
spoken of by Wood — and perhaps, also, what Josselyn names last — may be the 
common or ring-tailed eagle, now known to be the young of the golden eagle. The 
second of Wood, and first of our author, is, without doubt, the bald eagle; the (so to 
say) tyrannical habits of which bird are sufficiently well known, at least in the vivid 
pages of Wilson. See the Voyages, p. 96; where we learn also that " hawkes there 
are of several kinds; as goshawks, falcons, laniers, sparrow-hawkes, and a little black 
hawke highly prized by the Indians, who wear them on their heads, and is accounted 
of worth sufficient to ransom a sagamour. They are so strangely couragious and 
hardie, that nothing fiyeth in the air that they will not bind with. I have seen them 
tower so high, that they have been so small that scarcely could they be taken by the 
eye" (p. 95-6). Wood makes like mention of this little black hawk (New-Eng. Pro- 
spect, I. c); and R. Williams (Key into the Language of the Indians of N. E., in Hist. 
Coll., vol. iii. p. 220) calls it " sachim, a little bird about the bigness of a swallow, or 
I'-— : to which the Indians give that name, because of its sachem or prince-like courage 
and command over greater birds: that a man shall often see this small bird pursue and 
vanquish and put to flight the crow and other birds far bigger than itself." This was 
our well-known king-bird; and Josselyn, on the same page, tells us of ( 'a small ash- 

146 archyEOLOgia Americana. 

up on the shore. In the year 1668, there was a great mor- 
tality of eels in Casco Bay : thither resorted, at the same 
time, an infinite number of gripes ; insomuch that, being shot 
by the inhabitants, they fed their hogs with them for some 
weeks. At other times, you shall seldom see above two or 
three in a dozen miles' travelling. The quill-feathers in their 
wings make excellent text-pens, and the feathers of their tail 
are highly esteemed by the Indians for their arrows. They 
will not sing in flying. A gripe's tail is worth a beaver's skin, 
up in the country. 

A Remedy for the Coldness and Pain of the Stomach. 

The skin of a gripe, drest with the doun on, is good to wear 
upon the stomach, for the pain and coldness of it. 

[11] The Osprey. 
The osprey, which in this country is white-mail'd. 

A Remedy for the Toothach. 

Their beaks excell for the toothach ; picking the gums 
therewith till they bleed. 

The Wobble? 

The wobble, an ill-shaped fowl ; having no long feathers in 
their pinions, which is the reason they cannot fly ; not much 
unlike the pengwin. They are in the spring very fat, or 
rather oyly ; but pull'd and garbidg'd, and laid to the fire to 
roast, they yield not one drop. 

colour bird that is shaped like a hawke, with talons and beak, that falleth upon crowes ; 
mounting up into the air after them, and -will beat them till they make them cry:" 
which was, perhaps, the king-bird's half-cousin, as Wilson calls him, — the purple- 

6 Nuttall (Manual, Water-Birds, p. 520) snj's that the young of the red-throated 
diver is called cobble in England. Our author elsewhere (Voyages, p. 101) makes 
mention of the "wobble" and the "wilmote" (that is, guillemot) as distinct; but 
his wilmot was " a kind of teal." 


For Aches. 

Our way (for they are very soveraign for aches) is to make 
mummy of them ; that is, to salt them well, and dry them in 
an earthen pot well glazed in an oven : or else (which is the 
better way) to burn them under ground for a day or two ; 
then quarter them, and stew them in a tin stewpan, with a 
very little water. 

[12] The Loone. 

The loone is a water-fowl, alike in shape to the wobble, and 
as virtual for aches ; which we order after the same manner. 6 

The Owl. 

The owl, Avis devia, which are of three kinds, — the great 
gray owl with ears ; the little gray owl ; and the white owl, 
which is no bigger than a thrush. 7 

The TurJcie-Buzzard. 

The turkie-buzzard, a kind of kite, but as big as a turkie ; 
brown of color, and very good meat. 8 

What Birds are not to be found in New England. 

Now, by what the country hath not, you may ghess at 
what it hath. It hath no nightingals, nor larks, nor bul- 

6 " He maketh a noise sometimes like a sow-gelder's horn." — N. Eng. Prospect, I. c. 

1 The first is the great-horned or cat>owl: the second, probably, the mottled or 
little screech-owl, which Wood notices more fully as "small, speckled like a partridge, 
with ears" (/. c); and the third, the Acadian or little owl. There are but two owls 
reckoned in New-England's Prospect; the second of which — "a great owl, almost as 
big as an eagle; his body being as good meat as a partridge" (/. c.) — is, perhaps, the 
snowy owl, which, according to Audubon, is good eating. — Peabody Report on Birds of 
Mass., p. 275. 

8 It is not clear what is meant here. The author merely mentions the bird again, 
in Voyages, p. 98. 


finches, nor sparrows, nor blackbirds, nor mag[12]pies, nor 
jackdawes, nor popinjays, nor rooks, nor pheasants, nor wood- 
cocks, nor quails, nor robins, nor cuckoes, &c. 9 


The Bear, which are generally Black.- 

The bear. The} 7 live four months in caves ; that is, all win- 
ter. In the spring, they bring forth their young ones. They 

9 So Wood : " There are no magpies, jackdaws, cuckoos, jays, &c." — New-England's 
Prospect, I. c. Our author, in his Voyages, adds to the above list of New-England 
birds the following: "The partridge is larger than ours; white-flesht, but very dry: 
they are indeed a sort of partridges called grooses. The pidgeon, of which there are 
millions of millions. . . . The snow-bird, like a chaf-finch, go in flocks, and are good 
meat. . . . Thrushes, with red breasts, which will be very fat, and are good meat. . . . 
Thressels, . . . filladies, . . . small singing-birds; ninmurders, little yellow birds; New- 
England nightingales, painted with orient colours, — black, white, blew, yellow, green, 
and scarlet, — and sing sweetly; wood-larks, wrens, swallows, who will sit upon trees; 
and starlings, black as ravens, with scarlet pinions. Other sorts of birds there are; as 
the troculus, wagtail or dish-water, which is here of a brown colour; titmouse, — two 
or three sorts; the dunneck or hedge-sparrow, who is starke naked in his winter nest; 
the golden or yellow hammer, — a bird about the bigness of a thrush, that is all over 
as red as bloud; woodpeckers of two or three sorts, gloriously set out with variety of 
glittering colours; the colibry, viemalin, or rising or walking-bird, — an emblem of the 
resurrection, and the wonder of little birds. The water-fowl are these that follow : 
Hookers, or wild swans; cranes; . . . four sorts of ducks, — a black duck, a brown 
duck like our wild ducks, a grey duck, and a great black and white duck. These fre- 
quent rivers and ponds. But, of ducks, there be many more sorts; as hounds, old wives, 
murres, doies, shell-drakes, shoulers or shoflers, widgeons, simps, teal, blew-wing'd 
and green-wing'd didapers or dipchicks, fenduck, duckers or moorhens, coots, poch- 
ards (a water-fowl like a duck), plungeons (a kind of water-fowl, with a long, reddish 
bill), puets, plovers, smethes, wilmotes (a kind of teal), godwits, humilities, knotes, 
red-shankes, . . . gulls, white gulls or sea-cobbs, caudemandies, herons, grey bitterns, 
ox-eyes, birds called oxen and keen, petterels, king's fishers, . . . little birds that fre- 
quent the sea-shore in flocks, called sanderlins. The}' are about the bigness of a spar- 
row, and, in the fall of the leaf, will be all fat. When I was first in the countrie" (that 
is, in 1638; in which connection, what follows is not without its interest to us), "the 
English cut them into small pieces to put into their puddings, instead of suet. I have 
known twelve-score and above killed at two shots. . . . The cormorant, shape or 
sharke" (pp. 99-103). 

1 Compare the account given in the Voyages, pp. 82-95, which is much fuller; as 
also New-England's Prospect, chap. vi. 

2 " Most fierce in strawberry-time; at which time they have young ones; at which 
time, likewise, they will go upright, like a man, and climb trees, and swim to the 


seldome have above three cubbs in a litter; are very fat in 
the fall of the leaf, with feeding upon acorns ; at which time 
they are excellent venison. Their brains are venomous. 
They feed much upon water-plantane in the spring and sum- 
mer, and berries, and also upon a shell-fish called a horse- 
foot ; and are never mankind — i.e., fierce — but in rutting- 
time ; and then they walk the country, — twenty, thirty, forty, 
in a company, — making a hideous noise with roaring, which 
you may hear a mile or two before they come so near as to 
endanger the traveller. About four years since, acorns being 
very scarce up in the country, some numbers of them came 
down [14] amongst the English plantations, which generally 
are by the sea-side. At one town called Gorgiana, in the 
Province of Meyn (called also New Sommersetshire), they 
kill ? d fourscore. 

For Aches and Cold Swellings. 

Their grease is very good for aches and cold swellings. 
The Indians anoint themselves therewith from top to toe ; 
which hardens them against the cold weather. A black bear's 
skin heretofore was worth forty shillings ; now you may have 
one for ten : much used by the English for beds and cover- 
lets, and by the Indians for coats. 

For Pain and Lameness upon Cold,. 

One Edw. Andrews, being foxt, 3 and falling backward cross 
a thought * in a shallop or fisher-boat, and taking cold upon 

islands: which if the Indians see, there will be more sportful bear-baiting than Paris 
garden can afford ; for, seeing the bears take water, an Indian will leap after him ; 
where they go to water-cuffs for bloody noses and scratched sides. In the end, the 
man gets the victory; riding the bear over the watery plain, till he can bear him no 
longer. . . . There would be more of them, if it were not for the wolves which devour 
them. A kennel of those ravening runagadoes, setting upon a poor, single bear, will 
tear him as a dog will tear a kid." — New-Eng. Prospect, I. c, which see farther; and 
also Josselyn's Voyages, pp. 91-2. 

3 Stupefied with drink. — Wtbtter, Eny. Diet. 

4 Thwart. 


it, grew crooked, lame, and full of pain ; was cured, lying 
one winter upon bears' skins newly fiead off, with some upon 
him, so that he sweat every night. 

The Wolf. 6 

The wolf, of which there are two kinds, — one with a round- 
ball'd foot, and [15] are in shape like mungrel mastiffs; the 
other with a fiat foot. These are liker greyhounds ; and are 
called deer-wolfs, because they are accustomed to prey upon 
deer. A wolf will eat a wolf neAv-dead : and so do bears, as 
I suppose ; for their dead carkases are never found, neither 
by the Indian nor English. They go a-clicketing twelve days, 
and have as many whelps at a litter as a bitch. The Indian 
dog 6 is a creature begotten 'twixt a wolf and a fox; which 
the Indians, lighting upon, bring up to hunt the deer with. 
The wolf is very numerous, and go in companies, — sometimes 
ten, twenty, more or fewer; and so cunning, that seldome 
any are kill'd with guns or traps : but, of late, they have 
invented a way to destroy them, by binding four maycril- 
hooks a cross with a brown thread ; and then, wrapping some 
avooI about them, they dip them in melted tallow till it be 
as round and as big as an egg. These (AAdien any beast hath 
been kill'd by the wolves) they scatter by the dead carkase, 

5 " The woolves be in some respect different from them in other countries. It was 
never known yet that a wolf ever set upon a man or woman: neither do they trouble 
horses or cows; but swine, goats, and red calves, which they take for deer, be often 
destroyed by them; so that a red calf is cheaper than a black one, in that regard, 
in some places. . . . They be made much like a mungrel ; being big-boned, lank- 
paunched, deep-breasted; having a thick neck and head, prick ears and long snout, 
•with dangerous teeth; long, staring hair, and a great bush-tail. It is thought by many 
that our English mastiff might be too hard for them: but it is no such matter; for they 
care no more for an ordinary mastiff than an ordinary mastiff cares for a cur. Many 
good dogs have been spoiled by them. . . . There is little hope of their utter destruc- 
tion; the country being so spacious, and they so numerous, travelling in the swamps 
by kennels: sometimes ten or twelve are of a company. ... In a word, they be the 
greatest inconveniency the country hath." — New-England's Prospect, I. c. 

6 Spoken of again in the Voyages, pp. 94 and 193; and in Hubbard, Hist. N. Eng- 
land, p. 25. Josselyn's may be compared with Lewis and Clark's notice of the Indian 
dog (Travels, vol. ii. p. 165). 

new-exgland's rarities discovered. 151 

after they have beaten off the wolves. About midnight, the 
wolves are sure to return again to the place where they left 
the slaughtered beast ; and the [16] first thing they venture 
upon will be .these balls of fat. 

For Old Aches. 

A black wolf's skin is worth a beaver-skin among the In- 
dians ; being highly esteemed for helping old aches in old 
people ; worn as a coat. They are not mankind, as in Ireland 
and other countries ; but do much harm by destroying of our 
English cattle. 


The Ounce.'' 

The ounce, or wild-cat, is about the bigness of two lusty 
ram-cats : preys upon deer and our English poultrey. I once 
found six whole ducks in the belly of one I killed by a pond- 
side. Their flesh roasted is as good as lamb, and as white. 

For Aches and Shrunk Sineios. 

Their grease is soveraign for all manner of aches and 
shrunk sinews. Their skins are accounted good fur, but 
somewhat course. 

[17] The Baccoon* 

The raccoon liveth in hollow trees, and is about the size of 
a gib-cat. They feed upon mass, and do infest our Indian- 

7 Called also "lusern, or luceret," in the Voyages, p. 85; the loup-cervier of Sa- 
gard (Hist. Can., 1636, cit. Aud. and Bachm. Vivip. Quadr. N. A., p. 136); of Dobbs's 
Hudson's Bay, &c; but more commonly called gray cat, or lynx, in New England. 
Wood calls it "more dangerous to be met withal than any other creature; not fearing 
either dog or man. He useth to kill deer. ... He hath likewise a device to get geese: 
for, being much of the colour of a goose, he will place himself close by the water; 
holding up his bob-tail, which is like a goose-neck. The geese, seeing this counter- 
feit goose, approach nigh to visit him; who, with a sudden jerk, apprehends his mis- 
trustless prey. The English kill many of these, accounting them very good meat." — 
New-Eng. Prospect, I. c. Audubon and Bachman (I. c, p. 14) give a similar good ac- 
count of the flesh of the bay-lynx, or common wild-cat. 

8 The raccoon is, or has been, an inhabitant of all North America (Godman, Nat. 
Hist., vol. i. p. 117), and was one of the first of our animals with which European 


corn very much. They will be exceeding fat in autumn. 
Their flesh is somewhat dark, but good food roasted. 

For Bruises and Aches. 

Their fat is excellent for bruises and aches. Their skins 
are esteemed a good, deep fur ; but yet, as the wild-cats, 
somewhat course. 

The Porcupine. 

The porcupine, in some parts of the countrej^ eastward 
towards the French, are as big as an ordinary mungrel cur ; 
a very angry creature, and dangerous, — shooting a whole 
shower of quills with a rowse at their enemies ; which are of 
that nature, that, wherever they stick in the flesh, they will 
work through in a short time, if not prevented by pulling of 
them out. The Indians make use of their quills, which are 
hardly a handful long, to adorn [18J the edges of their birchen 
dishes; and weave (dying some of them red, others yellow 
and blew) curious bags or pouches, in works like Turkie- 
work. 9 

The Beaver, Cams Pontlcus Amphibius} 

The beaver, whose old ones are as big as an otter, or rather 
bigger ; a creature of a rare instinct, as may apparently be 
seen in their artificial dam-heads to raise the water in the 
ponds where they keep ; and their houses having three 
stories ; which would be too large to discourse. They have 
all of them four cods hanging outwardly between their hinder 

naturalists became acquainted. Linnajus (Syst. Nat.) cites Conrad Gesner among 
those who have illustrated or mentioned it. Wood says they are "as good meat as a 
lamb; " and further, that, "in the moonshine night, they go to feed on clams at a low- 
tide, by the seaside, where the English hunt them with their dogs.'' — New-Eng. Pro- 
spect, I. c. 

9 The author's account of the Indian works in birch-bark and porcupine-quills is 
much fuller in his Voyages, p. 143. 

i Wood's account is far better. — New-Enc/. Prospect, chap. vii. See page 53 of the 
Rarities for mention of the musk quash. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 153 

legs : two of them are soft or oyly, and two solid or bard. 
The Indians say they are hermaphrodites. 

For Wind in the Stomach. 

Their solid cods are much used in physick. Our English 
women in this country use the powder, grated — as much as 
will lye upon a shilling — in a draught of Fiol wine, for wind 
in the stomach and belly ; and venture many times, in such 
cases, to give it to women with child. Their tails are flat, 
and covered with scales, without hair ; [19] which, being flead 
off, and the tail boiled, proves exceeding good meat ; being 
all fat, and as sweet as marrow. 

The Moose-Beer P- 

The moose-deer, which is a very goodly creature, — some of 
them twelve foot high ; with exceeding fair horns, with broad 
palms, ■ — ■ some of them two fathom from the tip of one horn 
to the other. They commonly have three fawns at a time. 
Their flesh is not dry, like deer's flesh, but moist and lush- 
ious ; somewhat like horse-flesh (as they judge that have 
tasted of both), but very wholsome. The flesh of their 
fawns is an incomparable dish ; beyond the flesh of an asses 
foal, so highly esteemed by the Romans ; or that of young 
spaniel-puppies, so much cried up in our days in France and 

2 See Voyages, pp. 88-91. Called moos-soog (rendered "great-ox; or, rather, red 
deer") in R. Williams's Key (Hist. Coll., vol. iii. p. 223): but this is rather the plural 
form of moos ; as see the same, I. c. p. 222, and note, and Rasles' Diet. Abnaki, in loco. 
It is called mongsba by the Cree Indians; and, it should seem, memgsoos by the Indians 
of the neighborhood of Carlton House; as see Richardson, in Sabine's Appendix to 
Franklin's Narrative of a Journey to the Polar Sea, pp. 665-6. " The English," says 
Wood, "have some thoughts of keeping him tame, and to accustome him to the yoke; 
which will be a great commodity. . . . There be not many of these in the Massachu- 
setts Bay; but, forty miles to the north-east, there be great store of them." — New- 
Eng. Prospect, I. c. On hunting the moose, as practised by the Indians, see Josselyn's 
Voyages, p. 136. 



Moose-horns better for Physick Use than Harts' -horns. 

Their horns are far bettei*, in my opinion, for physick, than 
the horns of other deer, as being of a stronger nature. As 
for their claws, which both Englishmen and French make use 
of for elk, I cannot [20] approve so to be from the effects ; 
having had some trial of it. Besides, all that write of the 
elk describe him with a tuft of hair on the left leg, behind, 
a little above the pastern joynt on the outside of the leg, — 
not unlike the tuft (as I conceive) that groweth upon the 
breast of a turkie-cock ; which I could never yet see upon the 
leg of a moose, and I have seen some number of them. 

For Children breeding Teeth. 

The Indian webbes make use of the broad teeth of the 
fawns to hang about their children's neck, when they are 
breeding of their teeth. The tongue of a grown moose, 
dried in the smoak after the Indian manner, is a dish for a 

The Maccarib. 3 

The maccarib, caribo, or pohano ; a kind of deer, as big as 
a stag ; round-hooved, smooth-hair'd, and soft as silk. Their 
horns grow backwards along their backs to their rumps, and 
turn again a handful beyond their nose ; having another horn 
in the middle of their forehead, about half a yard long, — 
very straight, but [21] wreathed like an unicorn's horn, — of 
a .brown, jettie colour, and very smooth. The creature is no- 
where to be found but upon Cape Sable, in the French quar- 
ters ; and there, too, very rarely ; they being not numerous. 
Some few of their skins and their streight horns are (but 
very sparingly) brought to the English. 

8 Wood (N. E. Prospect, I. c.) has but two kinds of deer: of which the first is the 
moose; and the second, called " ordinary deer," and, in the vocabulary of Indian words, 
olluck (compare titluck or noonalch, deer, — R. Williams, /. c. ; but atteyk, in the Cree 

new-england's rarities discovered. 155 

The Fox.' 
The fox, which differeth not much from ours, but are some- 
what less. A black-fox skin heretofore was wont to be valued 
at fifty and sixty pound ; but now you may have them for 
twenty shillings. Indeed, there is not any in New England 

dialect, signifies a small sort of rein-deer, — Richardson, in Appendix to Franklin's 
Journey, p. 665; and it is observable that Rasles' word for chetreuil is norlce), is our 
American fallow-deer. R. Williams also appears to distinguish with clearness but two; 
which are, perhaps, the same as Wood's. Josselyn, in this book, passes quite over 
the common, or fallow-deer: but, making up in the Voyages for the fallings-short of the 
Rarities, he goes, in the former, quite the other way; reckoning the roe, buck, red deer, 
rein-deer, elk, maurouse, and macearib. What is further said of these animals, where 
he speaks more at large, makes it appear likely that the second, third, and fourth 
names, so far as they have any value, belong to a single kind, — the "ordinary deer'' 
of Wood (whose description possibly helped Josselyn's), or our fallow-deer; to which 
the "roe" is also to be referred: and the "elk" he himself explains as the moose. 
But, beside these two kinds, Josselyn has the merit of indicating, with some distinct- 
ness, one, or possibly two, others, — the maurouse and the macearib. The maurouse 
— of which only the Voyages make mention — "is somewhat like a moose; but his 
horns are but small, and himself about the size of a stag. These are the deer that the 
flat-footed wolves hunt after." — Voyages, p. 91. This is to be compared with the mnu- 
roos, rendered " cerf," of Rasles' Diet., I. c, p. 382; and, in such connection, is hardly 
referable to other than the caribou, or reindeer, — a well-known inhabitant of the north- 
eastern parts of New England, and likely, therefore, to have come to the knowledge of 
our author; while there seems to be no testimony to its ever having occurred in Mas- 
sachusetts and southward, where Wood and Williams made their observations. The 
last, or the macearib, caribo, or pohano, of Josselyn, is described above; and, in the 
Voyages (p. 91), he only repeats that it "is not found, that ever I heard yet, but upon 
Cape Sable, near to the French plantations." The "round" hoofs of the macearib 
might lead us to take this for the caribou of Maine; the round track of which differs 
much from that of the fallow-deer. But the former is more likely to have been the 
American elk: so rare, it should seem, where it occurred, when our author wrote, 
and so little known in the New-England settlements, that his fancy, fed by darkling 
hearsay, could deck it with the honors of the "unicorn." 

4 " There are two or three kinds of them, — one a great yellow fox; another grey, 
who will climb up into trees. The black fox is of much esteem." — Josselyn's Voyages, 
p. 82; where is also an account of the way of hunting foxes in New England. Wood 
has nothing special, but that some of the foxes " be black. Their furrs is of much 
esteem" (I.e.). Williams [I. c.) has " mishquashim, a red fox; pequawus, a gray fox. 
The Indians say they have black foxes, which they have often seen, but never could 
take any of them. They say they are manittooes." Beside the common red fox, or 
mishquashim, we have in all these accounts — and also in Morell's Nova Anglia, I. c, 
p. 129 — mention of a black fox; which may have been the true black or silver fox, 
or. in part at least, the more common cross-fox (Aud. and Bachm., Viv. Quadr. N. A., 
p. 4oj: the pelt of which is also in high esteem. For Williams's gray fox, see the next 
note. Josselyn's climbing gray fox is perhaps the fisher (Muslela Canadensis, Schreb.), 
notwithstanding the color. According to Audubon {I. c, pp. 51, 310, 315), this is called 
the black fox in New England and the northern counties of New York. I have heard 
it more often called black cat in New Hampshire. 

156 archyEologia Americana. 

that are perfectly black, but silver-hair'd ; that is, sprinkled 
with grey hairs. 

The Jaccal. 5 

The jaccal is a creature that hunts the lion's prey, — a 
shrew'd sign that there are lions upon the continent. There 
are those that are yet living in the countrey that do con- 
stantly affirm, that, about six or seven and thirty years since, 
an Indian [22] shot a young lion, 6 sleeping upon the body of 
an oak blown up by the roots, with an arrow, not far from 
Cape Anne, and sold the skin to the English. But, to say 
something of the jaccal, they are ordinarily less than foxes, 
of the colour of a gray rabbet, and do not scent nothing near 
so strong as a fox. Some of the Indians will eat of them. 
Their grease is good for all that fox-grease is good for, but 
weaker. They are very numerous. 

The Hare. 7 

The hare, in New England, is no bigger than our English 
rabbets ; of the same colour, but withall having yellow and 
black strokes down the ribs. In winter thev are milk-white ; 
and, as the spring approacheth, they come to their colour 

6 " A creature much like a fox, but smaller." — Voyages, p. 83. Probably the gray 
fox, called pequaivus by R. Williams (Vulpes Vtrginianus, Schreb.); -which has not the 
rank smell of the red fox. — Aud. and Baehm., I. c, p. 168. 

6 "They told me of a young lyon (not long before) kill'd at Piscataway by an In- 
dian." — Voyages, p. 23. Higginson says that lions "have been seen at Cape Anne." — 
New-Eng. Plantation, I. c, p. 119. " Some affirm," says Wood, "that they have seen a 
lion at Cape Anne. . . . Besides, Plimouth men " (that is, men of old Plymouth, it is 
likely) " have traded for lion-skins in former times. But sure it is that there be lions 
on that continent; for the Virginians saw an old lion in their plantation," &c. — New- 
Eng. Prospect, I. c. The animal here spoken of may well have been the puma or 
cougar, or American lion. 

7 " The rabbits be much like ours in England. The hares be some of them white, 
and a yard long. These two harmless creatures are glad to shelter themselves from 
the harmful foxes in hollow trees; having a hole at the entrance no bigger than they 
can creep in at." — Wood, New-Eng. Prospect, I. c. Wood's rabbit and Josselyn's hare, 
so far as the summer coloring goes, appear to be the gray rabbit (Lepus sylvaticus, Aud. 
and Bachm., I.e., p. 173); and the white hare of Wood — as also, probably, the hare, 
"milk-white in winter," of Josselyn — is doubtless the northern hare ( Lepus Ameri- 
cans, Erxl., Aud. and Bachm., I. c, p. 93). 

new-england's rarities discovered. 157 

When the snow lies upon the ground, they are very bitter 
with feeding upon the bark of spruce and the like. 8 


Pliny and Isadore write, there are not above a hundred 
and forty-four' kinds of fishes ; but, to my knowledge, there 
are nearer three hundred. I suppose America was not known 
to Pliny and Isadore. 

A Catalogue of Fish ; that is, of those that are to be seen be- 
tween the English Coast and America, and those proper to the 

Alderling. | Anchova, or sea-minnow. 

Alize, alewife (because great-bel- j Aleport. 
lied), olafle, oldwife, allow. 1 

8 The Voyages mention, beside the quadrupeds above named, also the skunk 
(segankoo of Rasles' Diet., I.e.); the musquash (mooskooessoo of Rasles, I.e.), for 
which see also p. 53 of this; otter; marten, "as ours are in England, but blacker;" 
sable, " much of the size of a mattrise, perfect black, but ... I never saw but two of 
them in eight years' space;" the squirrel, " three sorts, — the mouse-squirril, the gray 
squirril, and the flying-squirril (called by the Indian assapankk)." Our author's 
mouse-squirrel, which he describes, is the ground or striped squirrel: probably the 
" aneqvus, a little coloured squirrel" of R. Williams, I.e.; and the anikoosess (rendered 
Suisse) of Rasles, I. c. The mattrise of our author is, according to him, " a creature 
whose head and fore-parts is shaped somewhat like a lyon's; not altogether so big as a 
house-cat. They are innumerable up in the countrey, and are esteemed good furr." — 
Voyages, p. 87. The sable is compared with the mattrise, at least in size; and the name 
is perhaps comparable with matlegooessoo of Rasles, I. c. ; but this is rendered lievre. 
Wood adds to this list of our quadrupeds, mistakenly, the ferret; and R. Williams, the 
" ockquutchaun-nug, — a wild beast of a reddish hair, about the bigness of a pig, and 
rooting like a pig;" which seems to answer, in name as well as habits, to our wood- 
chuck, or ground-hog. 

9 The author's attempt here at a general catalogue of the fishes, mollusks, &c, of 
the North-Atlantic Ocean, affords but a poor make-shift for such a list as we might 
fairly have expected from him of the species known to the early fishermen in the 
waters and seas of New England! and the account in his Voyages (pp. 104-15) is 
again an improvement on the present, and is confined to the inhabitants of our waters. 
I have printed the names of such species, in the following list, as the author (either in 
this book or in his Voyages) attributes to New England, in Italics. Beyond this, the 
present editor has little to offer in elucidation of the list; which indeed, in good part, 
appears sufficiently intelligible. Compare Wood, New-Eng. Prospect, chap. x. 

1 " Like a herrin, but has a bigger bellie; therefore called an alewife." — Voyages, 
p. 107. The other names, alize and allow, are doubtless corruptions of the French 



Afbicore. 2 



JSarracoutka, a fish peculiar to the 
West Indies. 3 



Sea-bishop, proper to the Norway 

[24] River bleak or bley, a river- 

Sea bleak or bley, or sea-came- 

Blew-fish, or hound-fish, two kinds, 
— speckled hound-fish and blew 
hound-fish (called horse-fish 5 ). 

Bonito, or dozada, or Spanish dol- 
phin. 6 




Bullhead, or Indian muscle. 




Cackarel, or laxe. 

Calemarie, or sea-clerk. 



Chare, a fish proper to the river 

Wimander in Lancashire. 
Chub, or chevin. 
Clam, or clamp. 9 

alose, also in use among London fishmongers to designate shad from certain waters. — 
Rees's Cyc, in loco. The old Latin word alosa, supposed to have been always applied to 
the fish just mentioned, is adopted by Cuvier for the genus which includes our shad, 
alewife, and menhaden. 

2 The tunny is so called on the coast of New England. — Stover's Report on the Fishes 
of Mass., p. 48. 

3 It is, notwithstanding, set down in the author's list of fishes "that are to be seen 
and catch'd in the sea and fresh waters in New England." — Voyages, p. 113. And 
compare Storer, Synops. (Mem. Am. Acad., N. S., vol. ii.), p. 300. 

4 See Voyages, p. 108. The first settlers esteemed the bass above most other fish. 
See Higginson's New-England's Plantation (Hist. Coll., vol. i. p. 120). Wood calls it 
(New-Eng. Prospect, chap, ix.) "one of the best fish in the country; and though men 
are soon wearied with other fish, yet are they never with bass. The Indians," he says, 
eat lobsters, "when they can get no bass." The head was especially prized; as see 
Wood, and also Roger Williams's Key (Hist. Coll., vol. iii. p. 224). The fish is our 
striped bass (Labrax lineatus, Cuv. ; Storer's Report on Fishes of Mass., p. 7). Our 
author, at p. 37, again mentions it as one of the eight fishes which " the Indians have 
in greatest request." 

5 See p. 96 as to the blue-fish, or horse-mackerel; and Storer, I. c, p. 57. 

6 The bonito of our fishermen is the skipjack. — Storer, I. c, p. 49. 

7 See p. 95. 

8 See p. 96. Josselyn's character of the fish as food is confirmed by Dr. Storer, I. c, 
p. 69. 

9 The clam is one of the eight fishes mentioned at p. 37 as most prized by the 
Indians. " Sickishuog (clams). This is a sweet kind of shell-fish, which all Indians gene- 
rally over the country, winter and summer, delight in; and, at low water, the women 
dig for them. This fish, and the natural liquor of it, they boil; and it makes their 



Caches or coccles, or coquil. 1 



Sea-cod, or sea-whiting. 2 

[25] Crab, divers kinds ; as, the 

sea-crab, boat-fish, river-crab, 

sea-lion, &c. 
Cunger, or sea-eel. 
Gunner, or sea-roach. 
Currier, post, or lacquey of the 

Cramp-fish, or torpedo. 
Cuttle, or sleeves, or sea-angler. 
Clupea, the tunnie's enemy. 
Cornuta, or horned fish. 

Dace, dare or dart. 

Sea-dart, javelins. 

Dog-fish, or tubarone. 



Dome (goldfish). 

Golden-eye, gilt-pole or godline, 

Sea-dragon, or sea-spider, quavi- 

Drum, a fish frequent in the West 

Sea-emperovr, or sword-fish. 
Eel, of which divers kinds. 3 
Sea-elephant. The leather of this 

fish will never rot ; excellent 

for thongs. 
Ears of the sea. 

broth and their nasaump (which is a kind of thickened broth) and their bread seasona- 
ble and savoury, instead of salt." — Williams's Key, (f c, I. c, p. 224. " These fishes 
be in great plenty in most parts of the country: which is a great commodity for the 
feeding of swine, both in winter and summer; for, being once used to those places, 
they will repair to them as duly, every ebb, as if they were driven to them by keepers." 

— Wood, N. Eng. Prospect, I. c. The mollusk thus approved is the common clam (My a 
arenaria, L.); but the poquauhock, or quahog ( Venus mercenaria, L.), " which the In- 
dians wade deep and dive for" (R. Williams, I. c, p. 224), was also eaten by them, and 
the black part of the shell used for making their suckrtuhock, or black money. Wood 
speaks also of " clams as big as a penny white loaf, which are great dainties amongst 
the natives" (N. E. Prospect, I.e.); doubtless the giant clam (Mactra solidissima, 
Chemn.) of Gould (Report on Invertebr. of Mass., p. 51), which is still esteemed as 

1 See p. 36; by which it appears that the author has in view the meieauhock of the 
Indians; "the periwinkle, of which they make their wompam, or white money, of half 
the value of their suckauhock, or black money" (R. Williams, I. c.)s supposed to be 
Buccinum undatura, L. (Gould, I. c., p. 305); and possibly, also, one or two other allied 

2 "Cod-fish in these seas" (that is, Massachusetts Bay) "are larger than in New- 
foundland, — six or seven making a quintal; whereas they have fifteen to the same 
weight." — New-Eng. Prospect, I. c. Compare Storer, I. c, p. 121. Josselyn has an 
entertaining account of the sea-fishery, in his Voyages, pp. 210-13. 

3 See further of eels, and the author's several ways of cooking them, in his Voy- 
ages, p. 111. At p. 37 of the Rarities, eels are mentioned among the fishes most prized 
by the Indians. " These eels be not of so luscious a taste as, they be in England, neither 
are they so aguish; but are both wholesome for the body, and delightful for the taste." 

— Wood. Seui-Enrj. Prospect, chap. ix. 




[26] Flownder, or flook : the 

young ones are called dabs. 
Sea-flownder, or flowre. 
Frutola, a broad, plain fish, with 

a tail like a half-moon. 
Grandpiss, 5 or herring-hog. This, 

as all fish of extraordinary size, 

are accounted regal fishes. 


Haccle, or sticklebacks. 

Horse-foot, or asses'-hoof. 

Hallibut, or sea-pheasant. Some 
will have the turbut all one : 
others distinguish [27] them ; 
calling the young fish of the 
first, buttis ; and, of the other, 
birt. There is no question to 
be made of it but that they are 
distinct kinds of fish. 6 







Hornbeak, sea-ruff, and reeves. 


Hog or flying fish. 

Sea-kite, or flying swallow. 

Lampret, or lamprel. 

Lampreys, or lamprones. 8 


Ling (sea-beef) : the smaller sort 
is called cusk. 



Lobster. 9 


4 See p. 37, where it is said to be one of the fishes which " the Indians have in 
greatest request." — " Poponaumsuog " of R. Williams, I. c, p. 225. He says, "Some 
call them frost-fish, from their coming up from the sea into fresh brooks in times of 
frost and snow." 

8 " Grampoise; Fr. grandpoisson ;" corrupted grampus. — Webster, Diet. 

6 " These hollibut be little set by while bass is in season." — Wood, l. c, chap. ix. 

1 "The sea-hare is as big as grampus, or herrin-hog ; and as white as a sheet. There 
hath been of them in Black-Point Harbour, and some way up the river; but we could 
never take any of them. Several have shot sluggs at them, but lost their labour." — 
Voyages, p. 105. The Lepus marinus of the old writers is a naked mollusk of the Me- 
diterranean; Laplysia depilans, L. : but Josselyn's was a very different animal. 

8 One of the fishes most valued by the Indians (p. 37) ; but " not much set by " by 
the English, according to Wood, I. c. 

9 " I have seene some myselfe that have weighed 16 pound ; but others have had, 
divers times, so great lobsters as have weighed 25 pound, as they assure me." — 'Big- 




Lump, poddle, or sea-owl. 


Lux, peculiar to the river Rhyne. 


[28] Luna, a very small fish, but 
exceeding beautiful ; broad-bo- 
died, and blewish of colour. 
When it swims, the fins make 
a circle like the moon. 




Mola, a fish like a lump of flesh, 
taken in the Venetian Sea. 

Miller's-thumb, mulcet or pollard. 


Minnow, called likewise a pink. 
The same name is given to 
young salmon. It is called 
also a witlin. 

Monke-Jish. 1 

Morse, river or sea horse. 2 

Fresh-water mullet. 

Sea-mullet. Botargo, or petargo, 
is made of their spawn. 

Muscle, divers kinds. 3 







Perch, or river-partridge. 


[29] Piper, or gave-fish. 


Perriwincle, or sea -snail, or 

Pike, or fresh-water wolf, or river- 
wolf (luce and lucerne), which 
is an overgrown pike. 

ginson's Xew-Eng. Plantation, I.e., p. 120; with which compare Gould's Report, &c, 
p. 360. "Their plenty makes them little esteemed, and seldom eaten." — Wood, New- 
Eng. Prospect, chap. ix. At p. 37, Josselyn counts them among the fishes, &c, most 
esteemed by the Indians; but Wood (I.e.) qualifies this in a passage already cited. 
The Indians, it seems, sometimes dried them, "as they do lampres and oysters; which 
are delicate breakfast-meat so ordered." — Josselyn' s Voyages, p. 110. See the Indian 
way of catching lobsters, in Voyages, p. 140. 

1 " Munk-fish, a flat-fish like scate; having a hood like a fryer's cowl" (p. 96). 
Lophius Americanus, Cuv., the sea-devil of Storer (Synops. of Amer. Fishes, in Mem. 
Amer. Acad., N. S., vol. ii. p. 381), is called monk-fish in Maine. — Williamson, Hist., 
vol. i. p. 157. 

2 See p. 97. 

3 " The muscle is of two sorts, — sea-muscles (in which they find pearl) and river- 
muscles." — Voyages, p. 110. See p. 37, of the present volume, for an account of " the 
scarlet muscle," which . . . yieldeth a perfect purple or scarlet juice; dying linneu 
so that no washing will wear it out," &c. This could scarcely have been a purpura or 

4 See Voyages, p. 110. "The oysters be great ones," says Wood; "in form of a 
shoe-horn: some be a foot long. These breed on certain banks that are bare every 
spring-tide." — Ntw-Eng. Prospect, chap. ix. This was in the waters of Massachusetts 
Bay, where Higginson (New-Eng. Plantation, I.e., p. 120) also speaks of their being 
found. The question whether the oyster is an indigenous inhabitant of our bay, or 
only an introduced stranger, is considered by Dr. Gould (Report on Invert. Animals of 
Mass., pp. 135, 365). 




Pilchard. "When they are dried, 
as red herrings, they are called 


Plaice, or sea-sparrow. 

Polipe, or pour-contrel. 

Porpuise, or porpiss, molebut, sea- 
hog, Sus marinits, tursion. 

Priest-fish, or sea-priest. 

Prawn, or crangone. 



Powt (the feathered fish), or fork- 


Purse-fish, or Indian reversus, like 
an eel; having a skin on the 
hinder part of her head like a 
purse with strings, which will 
open and shut. 




Remora, or suck-stone, or stop- 


[30] Roch, or roach. 

Rochet, or rouget. 

Ruff, or pope. 


Salmon. 6 

Sail -fish. 

Scallope, or Venus-coccle. 

Scate, or ray, or gristle-fish, of 

which divers kinds ; as sharp- 

snowted ray, rock-ray, &c. 
Sheep's-head. 7 
Soles, or tongue-fish, or sea-capon, 

or sea-partridge. 
Seal, or soil, or zeal. 8 
Sea-calf, and (as some will have 

it) molebut. 
Sturgeon. Of the roe of this fish 

they make caviare, or cavial- 

tie. 1 

6 One of the fishes "in greatest request" among the Indians (p. 37). Wood says it 
" is as good as it is in England, and in great plenty in some places." — New-Eng. Pro- 
spect, chap. ix. 

6 i' The shads he higger than the English shads, and fatter." — Wood, I. c. 
. 1 " Tavt-auog (sheep's-heads)." So Roger Williams's Key, I. c, p. 224. It is pro- 
bable, therefore, that our author had the fish that we call tautog in his mind here. 
What is now called sheep's-head is not known in Massachusetts Bay and northward. — 
Storer, I. c, p. 36. 

8 See p. 34; and Wood, I. c, chap. ix. 

9 See p. 96. It appears to be the mollusk, the shell of which is well known as the 
razor-shell (Solen ensis, L.). — Gould, Report, p. 28. 

1 See p. 32. "The sturgeons be all over the country; but the best catching of 
them is upon the shoals of Cape Cod and in the river of Merrimack, where much is 
taken, pickled, and brought to England. Some of these be 12, 14, and 18 feet long." — 
Wood, New-Eng. Prospect, chap. ix. E. Williams says that " the natives, for the 
goodness and greatness of it, much prize it; and will neither furnish the English with 

new-england's earities discovered. 


Shark, or bunch ; several kinds. 2 



[31] Shrimp. 











Thornback, or Neptune's beard. 

Thunnie. They cut the fish in 
pieces like shingles, and powder 
it ; and this they call melan- 


Tortoise, torteise, tortuga, tortisse, 

turcle, or turtle, of divers 

kinds. 5 
Trout. 6 
Ulatife, or saw-fish ; having a saw 

in his forehead three foot long, 

and very sharp. 

Sea-urchin. [ros. 

[32] Sea-unicorn, or sea-monoee- 
Whale, many kinds. 8 
Whiting, or merling. The young 

ones are called weerlings and 

Yard-fish, or shame-fish. 

so many, nor so cheap, that any great trade is like to be made of it, until the English 
themselves are fit to follow the fishing." — Key, I. c, p. 224. It is one of Josselyn's 
eight fish which are in "greatest request" with the Indians (p. 37). He calls " Pechips- 
cut" River, in Maine, "famous for multitudes of mighty large sturgeon." — Voyages, 
p. 204. 

2 See Voyages, pp. 105-6. 

3 " This fish is much used for bait to catch a cod, hacke, polluck, and the like sea- 
fish." — Voyages, p. 107. It is still so used. 

4 Described at p. 95. 

5 See p. 34 of this, and p. 109 of the Voyages, where the author says, " Of sea- 
turtles, there are five sorts ; of land-turtles, three sorts, — one of which is a right land- 
turtle, that seldom or never goes into the water; the other two being the river-turtle 
and the pond-turtle." — See also the author's observations on sea-turtles, at p. 39 of the 

6 " Trouts there be good store in every brook; ordinarily two and twenty inches 
long. Their grease is good for the piles and clifts." — Voyages, p. 110. 

7 See Storer's Report, p. 146. 

8 See p. 35; and Voyages, p. 104. "The natives cut them in several parcel, and 
give and send them far and near for an acceptable present or dish." — R. Williams, 
Key, I. c, p. 224. 

9 See Voyages, p. 110. This is the common sea-egg; Echinus granulalus, Say. — 
Gould's Rep., p. 344. 


The Sturgeon. 

The sturgeon; of whose sounds is made isinglass, — a kind 
of glew much used in physick. This fish is here in great 
plenty, and in some rivers so numerous that it is hazardous 
for canoes and the like small vessels to pass to and again ; as 
in Pechipscut River to the eastward. 

The Cod. 
The cod, which is a staple commodity in the country. 

To stop Fluxes of Blood. 

In the head of this fish is found a stone, or rather a 
bone, which, being pulveriz'd and drank in any convenient 
liquor, will stop women's overflowing courses notably. Like- 
wise, — ■ 

[33] For the Stone. 

There is a stone found in their bellies, in a bladder against 
their navel ; which, being pulveriz'd and drank in white-wine 
posset, or ale, is present remedy for the stone. 

To heal a Green Cut. 

About their fins you may find a kind of lowse, which heal- 
eth a green cut in short time. 

To restore them that have melted their Grease. 

Their livers and sounds, eaten, is a good medicine for to 
restore them that have melted their grease. 

The Dog-fish. 
The dog-fish, a ravenous fish. 

For the Toothach. 
Upon whose back grows a thorn, two or three inches long, 
that helps the toothach ; scarifying the gums therewith. 
Their skins are good to cover boxes and instrument-cases. 


[34] The Stingray. 

The stingray, a large fish, of a rough skin ; good to cover 
boxes, and hafts of knives and rapier-sticks. 

The Tortous. 

The turtle, or tortous, of which there are three kinds. 
1. The land-turtle: they are found in dry, sandy banks, under 
old houses ; and never go into the water. 

For the Ptisick, Consumption, and Morbus Gallicus. 

They are good for the ptisick and consumptions, and, some 
say, the morbus gallicus. 

2. The river-turtle, which are venomous, and stink. 

3. The turtle, that lives in lakes, and is called in Virginia 
a terrapine. 

The Soile, 

The soile, or sea-calf, a creature that brings forth her young 
ones upon dry land ; but, at other times, keeps in the sea, 
preying upon fish. 

[35] For Scalds and Burns, and for the Mother. 

The oyl of it is much used by the Indians, who eat of it 
with their fish, and anoint their limbs therewith, and their 
wounds and sores. It is very good for scalds and burns ; and 
the fume of it, being cast upon coals, will bring women out 
of the mother-fits. The hair upon the young ones is white, 
and as soft as silk. Their skins, with the hair on, are good 
to make gloves for the winter. 

The Sjperma-ceti Whale. 

The sperma-ceti whale differeth from the whales that yield 
us whale-bones : for the first hath great and long teeth ; the 
other is nothing but bones, with tassels hanging from their 
jaws, with which they suck in their prey. 


What Sperma-ceti is. 

It is not long since a sperma-ceti whale or two were cast 
upon the shore, not far from Boston, in the Massachusetts 
Bay ; which, being cut into small pieces and boiled in caul- 
drons, yielded plenty of oyl. The oyl, put up into hogsheads 
and stow'd into cellars for some time, candies at the [36] bot- 
tom, • — it may be one-quarter: then the oyl is drawn off; and 
the candied stuff, put up into" convenient vessels, is sold for 
sperma-ceti, and is right sperma-ceti. 

For Bruises and Aches. 

The oyl that was drawn off candies again and again, if well 
ordered; and is admirable for bruises and aches. 

What Ambergreece is. 

Now, you must understand this whale feeds upon amber- 
greece ; as is apparent, finding it in the whale's maw in great 
quantity, but altered and excrementitious. I conceive that 
ambergreece is no other than a kind of mushroom, growing 
at the bottom of some seas. I was once shewed, by a ma- 
riner, a piece of ambergreece, having a root to it like that of 
the land mushroom ; which the whale breaking up, some scape 
his devouring paunch, and is afterwards cast upon shore. 

The Coccle. 1 

A kind of coccle, of whose shell the Indians make their 
beads called wompampeag and mohaicks. The first are 
white; the other, blew: both orient, and beau[37]tified with 
a purple vein. The white beads are very good to stanch 

1 Sec p. 24 and note. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 167 

The Scarlet Muscle. 

The scarlet muscle. At Paschataway (a plantation about 
fifty leagues by sea eastward from Boston), in a small cove 
called Baker's Cove, there is found this kind of muscle, which 
hath a purple vein ; which, being prickt with a needle, yield- 
eth a perfect purple or scarlet juice ; dying linnen so that no 
washing will wear it out, but keeps its lustre many years. 
We mark our handkerchiefs and shirts with it. 2 

Fish of greatest Esteem in the West Indies. 

The Indians of Peru esteem of three fishes more than any 
other : viz., the sea-torteise, the tubaron, and the manate, 3 or 
sea-cow : but, in New England, the Indians have in greatest 
request the bass, the sturgeon, the salmon, the lamprey, the 
eel, the frost-fish, the lobster, and the clam. 

2 Our author's account of the fishes of New England may take this of old Wood 
(N. E. Prospect, I. c.) for a tail-piece. " The chief fish for trade," says he, "is a cod; 
but, for the use of the country, there is all manner of fish, as followeth: — 

"The king of waters, — the sea-shouldering Whale; 
The snuffing Grampus, with the oily seal; 
The storm -presaging Porpus, Herring-hog; 
Line-shearing Shark, the Cat-fish, and Sea-dog; 
The scale-fenced Sturgeon ; wry-mouthed Hollibut ; 
The flouncing Salmon, Codfish, Greedigut; 
Cole, Haddick, Hake, the Thornback, and the Scate, 
(Whose slimy outside makes him seld' in date;) 
The stately Bass, old Neptune's fleeting post, 
That tides it out and in from sea to coast; 
Consorting Herrings, and the bony Shad; 
Big-bellied Ale wives; Mackrels richly clad 
With rainbow-colour, the Frost-fish and the Smelt, 
As good as ever Lady Gustus felt; 
The spotted Lamprons; Eels; the Lamperies, 
That seek fresh-water brooks with Argus-eyes : 
These watery villagers, with thousands more, 
Do pass and repass near the verdant shore." 

3 See p. 97. 



The Pond-Frog. 5 

The pond-frog, which chirp in the spring like sparows, and 
croke like toads in autumn. Some of these, when they set 
upon their breech, are a foot high. The Indians will tell you, 
that, up in the country, there are pond-frogs as big as a child 
of a year old. 

For Burns, Scalds, and Inflammations. 

They are of a glistering brass colour, and very fat ; which 
is excellent for burns and scaldings, to take out the fire and 
heal them, leaving no scar ; and is also very good to take 
away any inflammation. 

The Rattle-Snake? 

The rattle-snake, who poysons with a vapour that comes 
thorough two crooked fangs in their mouth. The hollow of 
these fangs are as black as ink. The Indians, when weary 

4 The account in the Voyages (pp. 114—23) is better; and Wood's, in New-England's 
Prospect, chap. xi. (to which last, Josselyn was possibly indebted), far better. 

8 See " the generating of these creatures," in Voyages, p. 119. " Here, likewise," 
says Wood, " be great store of frogs, which, in the spring, do chirp and whistle like a 
bird; and, at the latter end of summer, croak like our English frogs." — N. Eng. Pro- 
spect, I. c. In his Voyages, Josselyn speaks (as Wood had done) of the tree-toad, and 
also of another kind of toad; and of "the eft, or swift, ... a most beautiful creature 
to look upon; being larger than ours, and painted with glorious colours: but I lik'd 
him never the better for it" (p. 119). 

6 Wood's account (New-Eng. Prospect, I. c.) is worth comparing with Higginson's 
(New-England's Plantation, I. c.) and with Josselyn's, both here and at pp. 23 and 114 
of the Voyages. Wood justly says of this "most poisonous and dangerous creature," 
that it is " nothing so bad as the report goes of him. ... He is naturally," he con- 
tinues, "the most sleepy and unnimble creature that lives; never offering to leap or 
bite any man, if he be not trodden on first: and it is their desire, in hot weather, to lie 
in paths where the sun may shine on them ; where they will sleep so soundly, that I 
have known four men stride over them, and never awake her. . . . Five or six men," 
he adds, "have been bitten by them; which, by using of snake-weed" (compare the 
preface to this, p. 119), " were all cured; never any yet losing his life by them. Cows 


with travelling, will [39] take them up with their bare hands ; 
laying hold with one hand behind their head, with the other 
taking hold of their tail ; and, with their teeth, tear off the 
skin of their backs, and feed upon them alive ; which, they 
say, refresheth them. 

For Frozen Limbs, Aches, and Bruises. 

They have leafs of fat in their bellies ; which is excellent 
to annoint frozen limbs, and, for aches and bruises, wondrous 
soveraign. Their hearts, swallowed fresh, is a good antidote 
against their venome ; and their liver (the gall taken out), 
bruised and applied to their bitings, is a present remedy. 

have been bitten; but, being cut in divers places, and this weed thrust into their flesh, 
were cured. I never heard of any beast that was yet lost by any of them, saving one 
mare" (L c). Of other serpents, Wood mentions the black snake; and Josselyn, in his 
Voyages (I.e.), speaks of "infinite numbers, of various colours;" and especially of 
" one sort that exceeds all the rest; and that is the checkquered snake, having as many 
colours within the checkquers shadowing one another as there are in a rainbow." 
He says again, " The water-snake will be as big about the belly as the calf of a man's 
leg;" which is, perhaps, the water-adder. Josselyn adds, "I never heard of any mis- 
chief that snakes did" (I.e.); and so Wood: "Neither doth any other kind of snakes" 
(the rattle-snake always excepted, as no doubt dangerous when trodden on) "molest 
either man or beast." There are perhaps no worse prejudices, in common life, than 
those which breed cruelty. In the Voyages (p. 23), our author makes mention 'of a 
sea-serpent, or snake, that lay quoiled up like a cable upon a rock at Cape Ann. A 
boat passing by with English aboard, and two Indians, they would have shot the ser- 
pent: but the Indians diss waded them; saying, that, if he were not kill'd outright, they 
would be all in danger of their lives." This was from " some neighbouring gentlemen 
in our house, who came to welcome me into the countrey;" and it seems, that, 
"amongst variety of discourse, they told me also of a young lyon (not long before) 
killed at Piscataway by an Indian;" which, indeed, was possibly not without founda- 
tion. And as to the serpent, compare a Report of a Committee of the Linnasan Society 
of New England relative to a large marine animal, supposed to be a serpent, seen near 
Cape Ann, Mass., in August, 1817 (Boston, 1817); which contains also a full account 
of a smaller animal — supposed not to differ, even in species, from the large — which 
was taken on the rocks of Cape Ann. — See also Storer, Report on the Reptiles of 
Mass.; Supplement, p. 410. 




A Bug. 

There is a certain kind of bug like a beetle, but of a glis- 
tering brass colour, with four strong, tinsel wings. Their 
bodies are full of corruption, or white matter like a maggot. 
Being dead, and kept awhile, they will stench odiously. 
They beat the humming-birds from the flowers. 

[40] The Wasp. 

The wasps in this countrey are pied ; black and white ; 
breed in hives made like a great pine-apple. Their entrance 
is at the lower end. The whole hive is of an ash colour ; but 
of what matter it's made, no man knows. Wax it is not : 
neither will it melt nor fry ; but will take fire suddenly, like 
tinder. This they fasten to a bow, or build it round about a 
low bush, a foot from the ground. 

The Flying Gloworm. 

The flying gloworm ; flying, in dark summer nights, like 
sparks of fire in great number. They are common, liewise, 
in Palestina. 

? The author continues his entomological observations, in his Voyages, p. 115; and 
the account is fuller than Wood's ; New- England's Prospect, chap. xi. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 171 


And, 1. Of such Plants as are Common ivith us in England. 

Hedgehog grass. 8 

Mattweed. 9 

Cat's-tail. 1 

Stichwort, commonly taken here, by ignorant people, for 
eye-bright. It blows in June. 2 

Blew Flower-de-luce. The roots are not knobby, but long 
and streight, and very white ; with a multitude of strings. 3 

To provoke Vomit, and for Bruises. 
It is excellent for to provoke vomiting, and for bruises on 
the feet or face. They flower in June, and grow upon dry, 
sandy hills, as well as in low, wet grounds. 

8 Gerard by Johnson, p. 17, — Carex flnva, L.; the first species of this genus 
indicated in North America, and common also to Europe. There is no doubt of the 
reference, taking Josselyn's name to be meant for specific, and to refer to Gerard's first 
figure with the same name. But it is certainly possible that our author had in view 
only a general reference to Gerard's fourteenth chapter, " Of Hedgehog Grasse," which 
brings together plants of very different genera; and, in this case, his name is of little 
account. Cutler (Account of Indig. Veg., I. c, 1785) mentions three genera of Cypera- 
cea, but not Carex; nor did he ever publish that description of our true Graminem 
"and other native grasses," which, he says (I.e., p. 407), "may be the subject of another 
paper." The first edition of Bigelow's Florula Bostoniensis (1814) has seven species 
of Carex, which are increased to seventeen in the second edition (1824); the list em- 
bracing the most common and conspicuous forms. The genus has since been made 
an object of special study, and the number of our species, in consequence, greatly 
increased. A list of Carices of the neighborhood of Boston, published by the present 
writer in 1841 (Hovey's Mag. Hort.), gives forty-seven species; and Professor Dewey's 
Report on the Herbaceous Plants of Massachusetts, in 1840, reckons ninety-one species 
within the limits of his work. 

9 Johnson's Gerard, p. 42, — English matweed, or helme (the other species being 
excluded, as not English, by our author's caption); which I take to be Calamagrostis 
arenaria (L.) Roth, of Gray, Man., p. 548; called sea-matweed in England, and com- 
mon to Europe and America. But if the author only intended to refer to Gerard's 
" Chapter 34, of Mat- weed," — which is perhaps, on the whole, unlikely, — his name 
is of no value. 

1 Gerard, p. 46, — Typha latifolia, L., — common to America and Europe. 

2 Gerard, p. 47, — Slellaria graminea, L. ; for which our author mistook, as did 
Cutler a century after, the nearly akin S. longifolia, Muhl. 

3 Appears not to be meant for a specific reference to any of Gerard's species; but 
only an indication of the genus, with the single distinguishing character of color, which 


Yellow-bastard daffodil. It flowereth in May. The green 
leaves are spotted with black spots. 4 

Dogstones, a kind of satyrion ; whereof there are several 
kinds groweth in our salt-marshes. 5 

[42] To procure Love. 

I once took notice of a wanton woman's compounding the 
solid roots of this plant with wine, for an amorous cup ; which 
wrought the desired effect. 

Watercresses. 6 

Red lillies grow all over the country innumerably amongst 
the small bushes, and flower in June. 7 

Wild sorrel. 8 

Adder's-tongue comes not up till June. I have found it 
upon dry, hilly grounds, — in places where the water hath 
stood all winter, — in August; and did then make oyntment 
of the herb new gathered. The fairest leaves grow amongst 

■was enough to separate the New-England plants from the only British one referred by 
Gerard to Iris. Both of our blue-flags are peculiar to the country. 

* Not one of Gerard's bastard daffodils, but his dog's-tooth, p. 204 (Erythronium, 
L.). Our common dog's-tooth was at first taken for a variety of the European, but is 
now reckoned distinct. 

8 Gerard, p. 205, — Orchis, L., etc. It is here clear that the name is used only in a 
general way. The second name (Satyrion), perhaps, however, makes our author's no- 
tion a little more definite, and permits us to refer the plants he had probably in view 
to species of Platanthera, Rich. (Gray, Man., p. 444), of which only one is certainly 
known to be common to us and Europe. 

6 Gerard, em. p. 257, — Nasturtium officinale, L. Reckoned also by Cutler, and 
indeed naturalized in some parts of the country (Gray, Man., p. 30); but our author 
had probably N. pakistre, DC. (marsh-cress), if any thing of this genus, and not 
rather Cardamine hirsuta, L. (hairy lady's smock), in his mind. Both the last are 
common to us and Europe. — Gray, I. c. 

1 Gerard, p. 192. Lilium bulbiferum (the garden red lily) is meant; for which our 
author mistook our own red lily (L. Philadelphicum, L.). 

8 Of the two plants, — either of which may possibly have been in view of the 
author here, — the sorrell du bois, or white wood-sorrel of Gerard, p. 1101 {Oxalis 
acelosella, L.), which is truly common to Europe and America, and the sheep's sorrel 
(Gerard, p. 397, — Rumex acetosella, L.), which inhabits, indeed, the whole northern 
hemisphere, but is taken by Dr. Gray to be a naturalized weed here, I incline to 
think the latter less likely to have escaped Josselyn's attention than the former, and 
to be .what he means to say appeared to him as native, in 1671. For the yellow wood- 
sorrel, see farther on. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 173 

short hawthorn-bushes, that are plentifully growing in such 
hollow places. 9 

One-blade. 1 

Lilly convallie, with the yellow flowers, grows upon rocky 
banks by the sea. 2 

Water-plantane, here called water-suck leaves. 3 

For Burns and Scalds, and to draw Water out of SwelVd Legs. 

It is much used for burns and scalds, and to draw water 
out of swell'd legs. Bears feed much upon this plant ; so do 
the moose-deer. 

[43] Sea-plantane, three kinds. 4 

Small-water archer. 5 

Autumn bell-flower. 6 

White hellibore, which is the first plant that springs up in 
this country, and the first that withers. It grows in deep, 
black mould and wet, in such abundance that you may, in a 
small compass, gather whole cart-loads of it. 7 

Wounds and Aches cured by the Indians. For the Toothach. 
For Herpes Milliares (sic). 

The Indians cure their wounds with it ; annointing the 
wound first with raccoon's greese or wild-cat's greese, and 

9 Gerard, em., p. 404, — Ophioghssum vulgatum, L.; common to us and Europe. 

1 Gerard, em., p. 409, — Smilacinabifvlia(L.),Ker; common to us and Europe. 

2 Gerard, em., p. 410. A mistake of our author's, which can hardly be set right. 
The station is against the plant's having been Smilacina tiifolia (L.), Desf. 

a Alisma plantago, L., common to Europe and America; "called, in New England, 
water suck-leaves and scurvie-leaves. You must lay them whole to the leggs to draw 
out water between the skin and the flesh." — Josselyn's Voynges, p. 80. As to its medi- 
cinal properties, see Gerard, p. 419; and Wood and Bache, Dispens., p. 1293. 

* Plantago marilima, L. (Gerard, p. 423), a native of Europe and America, is our 
only sea-plantain. One of the others was probably Triglochin. 

5 SagitUiria sagittifolia, L. (now called arrowhead), common to Europe and Ame- 
rica; though here passing into some varieties which are unknown in the European 

6 Gentiana saponaria, L., peculiar to America, but nearly akin to the European 
G. pneunv/nanthe, L., which our author intended. — Johnson's Gerard, edit, cit., p. 438. 

7 The plant is green hellebore (Veralrum viritle, Ait.); so near, indeed, to the 
white hellebore ( V. album, L.) of Europe, that it was taken for it by Michaux. In his 


strewing upon it the poAvder of the roots : and, for aches, 
they scarifie the grieved part, and annoint it with one of the 
foresaid oyls ; then strew upon it the powder. The powder 
of the root, put into a hollow tooth, is good for the toothach. 
The root, sliced thin and boyled in vineagar, is very good 
against herpes milliaris. 

Arsmart, both kinds. 8 

Spurge-time. It grows upon dry, sandy sea-banks ; and is 
very like to rupter-wort. It is full of milk. 9 

Rupter-wort, with the white flower. 1 

Jagged rose-penny-wort. 2 

[44] Soda bariglia, or massacote (the ashes of soda), of 
which they make glasses. 

Glass-wort, here called berrelia. It grows abundantly in 
salt marshes. 3 

Voyages, the author, after speaking of the use of opium by the Turks, says, " The 
English in New England take white hellebore, which operates as fairly with them as 
with the Indians," &c. (p. 60); and see p. 76, further. 

8 Polygonum lapathifolium, L. (Hydropiper of Gerard, p. 445), — for which, perhaps, 
P.hydropiper, L.,was mistaken, — and P. Persicaria, h.( Persicaria maculosa of Gerard, 
I. c), are what the author means; being the two sorts figured by Gerard himself. The 
third, added by Johnson, is unknown in this country; and the fourth belongs to a very 
different genus. P. Persicaria is marked as introduced in the late Mr. Oakes's cata- 
logue of the plants of Vermont ; and both this and P. hydropiper are considered to be 
naturalized weeds by Dr. Gray (Man., p. 373). Josselyn's testimony as to the former, 
as appearing to him to be native in 1671, is therefore not without interest; and possibly 
it is not quite worthless as to the latter. 

9 Chamoesyce, or spurge-time, of Gerard (edit, cit., p. 504), is Euphorbia chamoesyce, 
L., a species belonging to the Eastern continent; for which Sloane (cit. L. Sp. pi. in 
loco) appears to have mistaken our Euphorbia maculata, L. ; while Plukenet (Aim. 372, 
cit. L.) recognizes the affinity of the same plants, calling the latter Chamazsyce altera 
Virgiaiana. Josselyn's spurge-time may be E. maculata; but quite possibly, taking 

the station which he gives into the account, E. polygonifolia, L. 

1 There are "several sorts of spurge," according to the Voyages (p. 78); of which 
this, which I cannot specifically refer, is possibly one. 

2 To this species of Saxifraga, L., unknown to our Flora (Gerard, p. 528), our 
author, with little doubt, referred the pretty S. Virginiensis, Michx. — See p. 58 of 
this, note. 

8 Gerard, em., p. 535, — Salicornia herbacea, L. But Linnaeus referred one of Clay- 
ton's Virginia specimens (the rest he did not distinguish from S. herbacea) to a variety, 
p. Virginica (which he took to be also European; Sp. PL), and afterwards raised this 
to a species, as S. Virginica, Sysl. Nat., vol. ii. p. 52, Willd. Sp. PL, vol. i. p. 25. To 
this the more common glasswort of our salt marshes is to be referred; and we pos- 

new-england's rarities discovered. 175 

St. John's-wort. 4 

St. Peter's-wort. 5 

Speedwell chick-weed. 6 

Male fluellin, or speedwell. 7 

Upright peniroyal. 8 

"Wild mint. 9 

Cat-mint. 1 

Egrimony. 2 

The lesser clot-bur. 3 

sess, beside, a still better representative of the European plant in S. mucronata, Bigel. 
{Fl. Bost., edit. 2, p. 2), ■which may perhaps best be taken for a peculiar variety {S. 
herbacea, f3. mucronata, articulorum dentibus squamisque mucronatis, Enum. PL Cantab., 
Ms.; and S. Virginica may well be another) of a species common to us and Europe. 
It is certain that we have plants strictly common to American and European Floras, 
in which the differences referable to difference of atmospheric and other like conditions 
are either not apparent or of no account; and it is possible that there are yet other 
species, now considered peculiar to America, which only differ from older European 
species in those characters — whether of exuberance mostly, or also of impoverish- 
ment — in which an American variety of a plant, common to America and Europe, 
might beforehand be expected to differ from an European state of the same. " Lin- 
naeus ut Tournefortii errores corrigeret, varietates nimis contraxit." — Link, Phil. Bot., 
p. 222. 

4 Hypericum perforatum, L. ("Hypericum, S. John's-wort; in shops, Perforata." — 
Gerard, edit, cit., p. 539). The species is considered to have been introduced, by most 
American authors; and it is possible that Josselyn had H. corymbosum, Muhl., in his 

5 Hypericum quadrangulum, L. (Gerard, p. 542); for which our author doubtless mis- 
took H. mutilum, L. (//. parviftorum, Willd.), a species peculiar to America; to which 
Cutler's H. quadrangulum (Account of Indig. Veg., I. c, p. 474) is probably also to be 

* Veronica arvensis, L. (Gerard, p. 613), — a native, at present, of Europe, Asia, 
Northern Africa, and North America (Benth., in DC. Prodr., vol. x. p. 482); but con- 
sidered to have been introduced here. 

7 Veronica, L. The species is perhaps V. officinalis, L.; which, together with V. 
serjryllifolia, L., is considered by Prof. Gray to be both indigenous and introduced here. 
— Man. Bot, pp. 200-1. 

8 Hedeoma pulegioides (L.) Pers. (American pennyroyal), is doubtless meant. The 
specific name indicates its resemblance — in smell and taste particularly — to Mentha 
pulegium, L. ; for which our author and Cutler (I. c, p. 461) mistook it. But the for- 
mer is peculiar to America. 

9 Mentha aguatica, L. Sp. PI. (Gerard, p. 684); for which it is likely our author 
(and also Cutler, I. c, p. 460) mistook M. Canadensis, L., Gray. 

1 Nepeta cataria, L. (Gerard, em., p. 682); considered by American botanists to 
have been introduced from Europe. 

2 Agrimonia Eupatoria, L. (Gerard, em., p. 712); common to America and Europe. 

3 Xanthium strumarium, L., Gray (Gerard, p. 809); common, as a species, to both 
continents; but in part, also, introduced. — Gray, Man., p. 212. 


Water-lilly, with yellow flowers. 4 The Indians eat the 
roots, which are long a-boiling. They tast like the liver of a 
sheep. The moose-deer feed much upon them ; at which time 
the Indians kill them, when their heads are under water. 

Dragons. Their leaves differ from all the kinds with us. 
They come up in June. 5 

Violets, of three kinds, — the white violet, which is sweet, 
but not so strong as our blew violets ; blew violets, without 
sent ; and a reddish violet, without sent. They do not blow 
till June. 6 

[45] For SwelVd Legs. 

Woodbine, good for hot swellings of the legs ; fomenting 
with the decoction, and applying the feces in the form of a 
cataplasme. 7 

Salomon's seal, of which there is three kinds : the first, 
common in England ; the second, Virginia Salomon's seal ; and 
the third, differing from both, is called treacle-berries, — hav- 
ing the perfect taste of treacle when they are ripe, — and 
will keep good a long while. Certainly a very wholesome 
berry, and medicinal. 8 

4 Nuphar advena, Ait., — the common American species, — is meant; and this, 
though resembling N. lutea, Sm., of Europe, is distinct from it. 

5 Arum, L. (Gerard, p. 381). The New-England species "differ," as our author 
says, "from all the kinds" in the Old World. 

6 None of the species, presumably here meant, are common to America and Europe. 
Our author's white violet is Viola blanda, Willd. 

7 All our true honeysuckles ("woodbinde, or honisuckles," — Gerard, p. 891; Ca- 
prifvlium, Juss.) are distinct from those of Europe; but what the author meant here 
is uncertain. 

8 Gmvallaria, L.; Polygonalum, Tourn.; Smilacina, Desf. Many botanists have 
referred our smaller Solomon's seal to the nearly akin C. mulliflora of Europe; but 
Dr. Gray (Manual, p. 466) pronounces the former a distinct American species. The 
second of Josselyn's species is the " Polyr/onatum Virginianum, or Virginian's Salomon's 
seale" of Johnson's Gerard (p. 905), and also of Morison (Hist., cit. L.), and earliest 
described and figured by Cornuti as P. Canadense, <fc, which is Smilacina slellata, 
(L.) Desf.; peculiar to America. The third is set down by our author, at p. 56, among 
the "plants proper to the country;" and Wood (New-Eng. Prospect, chap, v.) mentions 
it among eatable wild fruits, by the same name. It is probably Smilacina racemosa, 
(L.) Desf., — a suggestion which I owe to my friend Rev. J. L. Russell's notes upon 
Josselyn's plants, in Hovey's Magazine (March, April, and May, 1858); papers which 
were published after the manuscript of this edition had passed from the hands of the 
editor, — and is also confined to this continent. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 177 

Dove's-foot. 9 

Herb Robert. 9 

Knobby crane's-bill. 9 

For Agues. 

Raven's-claw, which flowers in May, and is admirable for 
agues. 9 

Cink-foil. 1 

Tormentile. 1 

Avens, with the leaf of mountane-avens, the flower and 
root of English avens. 2 

Strawberries. 3 

9 Geranium, L. The first is G. Carolinianum, L., which nearly resembles Gerard's 
dove's-foot (p. 938); the second is G. Robertianum, L., common to us and Europe; 
and the third (Gerard, p. 940) — which cannot be G.dissectum — was meant, it is likely 
to be taken for synonymous with the fourth, or raven's-claw, — doubtless our lovely 
G. maculatum, L., which belongs to that group of species which the old botanists dis- 
tinguished by the common name Geranium batrachioides, or crow-foot geranium, which 
flowers in May, and is of well-known value in medicine; and the "knobby" root, 
attributed to Josselyn's third kind, favors this opinion. 

1 The genus Potentilla, L., in general, is perhaps intended by cinque-foil; and al- 
though our author probably confounded the common and variable Potentilla Canadensis, 
L., with the nearly akin P. reptans and P. verna, L., of Europe, yet the larger part of 
our New-England species are, with little doubt, common to both continents. What 
Josselyn referred to Tormentilla, L., — a genus not now separated from Potentilla, — 
was probably a state of P. Canadensis, which resembles P. reptans, L., as remarked 
above (and was, indeed, mistaken for it by Cutler, — I. c, p. 453), as this does Tormen- 
tilla reptans, L. 

2 Geum slrictum, Ait., — not found in England, but European (Gray, Man., p. 116), 
— is indicated by the author's phrase; and see the Voyages, p. 78, for his opinion of 
.its medicinal virtue. 

3 Fragaria vesca, L. (the common wood-strawberry of Europe), is native here, 
according to Oakes (Catal. Verm., p. 12), " especially on mountains;" and I have even 
gathered it, but possibly naturalized, on the woody banks of Fresh Pond in Cam- 
bridge. Our more common strawberry was not separated from the European by Lin- 
naeus, but is now reckoned a distinct species. " There is likewise strawberries in 
abundance," says Wood (New-England's Prospect, 1. c.), — very large ones; some being 
two inches about. One may gather half a bushel in a forenoon." — " This berry," says 
Roger Williams (Key, in Hist. Coll., vol. iii. p. 221), " is the wonder of all the fruits grow- 
ing naturally in those parts. It is of itself excellent; so that one of the chiefest doc- 
tor- of England was wont to say, that God could have made, but God never did make, 
a better berry. In some parts, where the natives have planted, I have many times seen 
as many as would fill a good ship, within few miles' compass. The Indians bruise them 
in a mortar, and mix them with meal, and make strawberry-bread." Gookin also 
speaks of Indian-bread. — Mass. Hist. Coll.,yd\. i. p. 150. 



Wild angelica, majoris and minoris. 4 

Alexanders, which grow upon rocks by the seashore. 5 

[46] Yarrow, with the white flower. 6 

Columbines, of a flesh-colour ; growing upon rocks. 7 

Oak of Hierusalem. 8 

Achariston is an excellent medicine for stopping of the 
lungs upon cold, ptisick, &c. 

Oak of Cappadocia. 8 Both much of a nature : but oak of 
Hierusalem is stronger in operation ; excellent for stuffing 
of the lungs upon colds, shortness of wind, and the ptisick, — 
maladies that the natives are often troubled with. I helped 
several of the Indians with a drink made of two gallons of 
molosses-wort (for, in that part of the country where I abode, 
we made our beer of molosses, water, bran, chips of sassafras- 
root, and a little wormwood, well boiled) ; into which I put, 
of oak of Hierusalem, cat-mint, sow-thistle, of each one hand- 
ful ; of Eiiula campana root, one ounce ; liquorice, scrap'd, 
brused, and cut in peices, one ounce ; sassafras-root, cut into 

4 The two plants here intended, and supposed by the author to correspond with the 
"wild angelica" and "great wilde angelica" of Gerard (pp. 999-1000), may perhaps 
be taken for the same which Cornuti ( Canad. PL Hist., pp. 196-200), thirty years before, 
had designated as new, — Josselyn's Angelica sylvestris minor being Angelica lucida 
Canadensis of Cornuti, which is A. lucida, L. (and probably, as the French botanist 
describes the fruit as "minus foliacea vulgaribus," also Arehangelica peregrina, Nutt.); 
and his Angelica sylvestris major being A. alropurpurea Canadensis of Cornuti, or A. 
atropurpurea, L. 

6 Smyrnium aureum, L. (golden Alexanders), now separated from that genus, was 
mistaken, it is quite likely, for S. olusairum, L. (true Alexanders), to which it bears a 
considerable resemblance. — Gerard, p. 1019. 

6 Achillea millefolium, L. Oakes has marked this as introduced (Oatal. Vermont, 
p. 17): but it appeared to our author, in 1672, to be indigenous; and Dr. Gray reckons 
it among plants common to both hemispheres. — Statistics of Amer. Flora, in Am. Jour. 
Sci., vol. xxiii. p. 70. The author's reference is to common yarrow. — Gerard, 
p. 1072. 

7 Aquilegia Canadensis, L. As elsewhere, the author probably means here only 
that the genus is common to both continents. 

8 At p. 56, both of these are set down among the " plants proper to the country." 
The first, to follow Gerard (p. 1108), is Chenopodium bolrys, L., — a native of the south 
of Europe, and considered as an introduced species here. It has reputation in diseases 
of the chest. — Wood & Bache, Dispens., p. 213. Josselyn's oak of Cappadocia (Gerard, 
p. 1108) is an American species, — Ambrosia elatior, L. Cutler says of it {I. c, p. 489), 
" It has somewhat the smell of camphire. It is used in antiseptick fomentations." 

new-exgland's rarities discovered. 179 

thin chips, one ounce ; anny-seed and sweet-fennel seed, of 
each one spoonful, bruised. Boil these in a close pot, upon 
a soft fire, to the consumption of one gallon ; then take it off, 
and stir it gently. You may, if you will, [47] boil the 
streined liquor with sugar to a syrup : then, when it is cold, 
put it up into glass bottles, and take thereof three or four 
spoonfuls at a time ; letting it run down your throat as lea- 
surely as possibly you can. Do thus in the morning, in the 
afternoon, and at night going to bed. 

Goose-grass, or clivers. 9 

Fearn. 1 

Brakes. 1 

Wood-sorrel, with the yellow flower. 5 

Elm. 3 

Line-tree, both kinds. 4 

A Way to draw out Oyl of AJcorns, or the like, &c. 

Maple. Of the ashes of this tree the Indians make a lye, 
with which they force out oyl from oak-akorns, that is highly 
esteemed by the Indians. 5 

Dew-grass. 6 

9 Galium aparine, L. (Gerard, edit, cil., p. 1122), common to America and Europe. — 
Compare Gray, Man., p. 170. 

1 The "Filix mas, or male feme," of Gerard, edit, cit., p. 1128 (for, says he, of the 
"divers sorts of feme . . . there be two sorts, according to the old writers, — the male 
and the female; and these be properly called feme: the others have their proper 
names"), is the collective designation of four species of Aspidium; of which all, ac- 
cording to Pursh, and certainly three, are natives of both continents, — AA. cristatum, 
Filix nuts, Filix fcemina, and aculeatum, Willd. " Filix fcemina (female feme, or brakes," 
of Gerard, I. c.) is Pteris aquilina, L. ; also common to us and Europe. The other Filiees 
mentioned by our author are Ophioghssum vulgatum, L. (p. 42); and Adiantum pedatum, 
L. (p. 55). 

2 Oxalis corniculata, L. (Gerard, em., p. 1202), common to Europe and America. 

3 Ulmus, L. There are no species common to America and Europe. 

4 See the Voyages, p. 69, where the author has it " the line-tree, with long nuts : 
the other kind I could never find." The former was Tilia Americana, L., — a species 
peculiar to America. 

5 See p. 48; and Voyages, p. 69. None of our species are found in Europe. 

6 The plant intended is doubtless the same with that spoken of in the Voyages, 
p- 80, — "Rota soils, sundew, moor-grass. This plant I have seen more of than ever I 


Earth-nut, which are of divers kinds, — one bearing very- 
beautiful flowers. 7 

Fuss-balls, very large. 8 

Mushrooms ; some long, and no bigger than one's finger ; 
others jagged, flat, round : none like our great mushrooms 
in England. Of these, some are of a scarlet colour ; others, 
a deep yellow, <fcc. 8 

[48] Blew-flowered pimpernel. 9 

Noble liverwort ; one sort with white flowers, the other 
with blew. 1 

Blackberry. 2 

Dewberry. 2 

Raspberry, here called mulberry. 2 

saw in my whole life before in England," &c. Both our common New-England species 
of Drosera are also natives of Europe. 

7 " Differing much from those in England. One sort of them bears a most beauti- 
ful flower" (p. 56, where it is rightly placed among plants "proper to the country"). 
The author refers here, doubtless, to Apios tube7-osa, Moench. (ground-nut of New 
England), which was raised at Paris, from American seeds, by Vespasian Robin, and 
figured from his specimens by Comuti (Canad., p. 200) in 1635; but it was celebrated, 
ten years earlier, in "Nova Anglia," — a curious poem by the Rev. William Morrell, 
who came over with Capt. Robert Gorges in 1623, and spent about a year at Wey- 
mouth and Plymouth, publishing his book in 1625 (repr. Hist. Coll., vol. i. p. 125, &c), 
— as follows: — 

11 Vimine graniineo nux subterranea suavis 
Serpit liuuii. tenui flavo sub cortice. pingui 
Et placido nucleo nivei candoris ab intra, 
Melliflua parcos hilarans dulcedine gustus, 
Donee in sestivuni Phoebus conscenderit asem. 
His nucleis laute versutus vescitur Indus : 
His exempta fames segnis nostratibus omnis 
Dulcibus his vires revocantur victibus almae." 

8 See p. 52 and Voyages (pp. 70, 81) for other notices of Fungi; and Voyages, 
p. 81, for the only mention of Algae. 

9' Female pimpernell (Gerard, em., p. 617), — Anagallis anensis, y, Sm.; A. cairulea, 
Schreb.. — but scarcely differing, except in color, from the scarlet pimpernel, which 
has long ("in clayey ground," — Culler, I. c, 17S5) been an inhabitant of the coasts of 
Massachusetts Bay, though doubtless introduced. 

1 ITepatica triloba, Chaix. (Anemone hepatica, L.), common to Europe and America; 
occurring occasionally with white flowers. — Gerard, em., p. 1203. 

- Jiubus. L. The red raspberry of this country is hardly other than an American 
variety of the European (R. Idaeus. var. strigosus, caule petiolis pedunculis calyceque 
aculeato-hispidissimis, Enum. PI. Agri Cantab, 1843. Ms.); upon which see Gray (Man., 
p. 121; and Statistics. &c., 1. c, p. SI). E. triflorus, Richards., is also verv near to. 
and was once considered the same as, the European R. saxalilis, L. The rest of our 

new-england's rarities discovered. 181 

Gooseberries, of a deep-red colour. 3 

Hawthorn ; the haws being as big as services, and very 
good to eat, and not so stringent as the haws in England. 4 
Toad-flax. s - 

Pellamount, or mountain-time. 6 
Mouse-ear minor." 

The Making of Oyl of Akorns. To strengthen weak Members. 
For scall'd Heads. 

There is oak of three kinds, — white, red, and black. The 
white is excellent to make canoes of, — sballopes, ships, and 
other vessels, for the sea ; and for claw-board and pipe-staves. 
The black is good to make waynscot of: and out of the white- 
New-England raspberries and blackberries appear to be specifically distinct from those 
of Europe. The cloud-berry, mentioned at p. 60, is there set down among plants proper 
to the country; and may therefore not be the true cloud-berry (Gerard, p. 1273), or 
Rv.bus chamoemorus, L., which is common to both continents. 

3 The New-England gooseberries are peculiar to this country. The author no 
doubt intends Ribes hiriellum, Michx. (Gray, Man., p. 137); as see further his Voyages, 
p. 72. 

* Crataegus, L. But the species are peculiar to this country, as Josselyn implies 
with respect to the haws which he notices. These, no doubt, included C. tomentosa, L., 
Gray; and perhaps, also, C. coccinea, L. Wood says, "The white thorn affords hawes 
as big as an English cherry; which is esteemed above a cherry for his goodness and 
pleasantness to the taste." — New-England's Prospect, chap. v. At page 72 of his Voy- 
ages, the author mentions " a small shrub, which is very common; growing sometimes 
to the height of elder; bearing a berry like in shape to the fruit of the white thorn; of 
a pale, yellow colour at first, then red (when it is ripe, of a deep purple); of a deli- 
cate, aromatical tast, but somewhat stiptick, — which is Pyrus arbufifolia, L. Higgin- 
son (Xew-England's Plantation, I. c, p. 119) speaks of our haws almost as highly as 

5 Great toad-flax (Gerard, em., p. 550); Linaria vulgaris, Moench. Compare De 
Candolle (Geog. Bot., vol. ii. p. 716) for a sketch of the American history of this now- 
familiar plant, which the learned author cannot trace before Bigelow's date (Fl. Bost., 
edit. 1) of 1814. But it is certainly Cutler's "snapdragon; . . . blossoms yellow, with 
a mixture of scarlet; common by roadsides in Lynn and Cambridge" (/. e., 1785): 
though he strangely prefixes the Linnaean phrase for Antirrhinum Canadense, L. ; and 
there seems no reason to doubt that Josselyn may very well have seen it in 1671. 

r - Gerard, p. 653 ( Ttucrium, L.). The author may have intended to reckon the 
genus only. Our species is peculiar to this continent. 

7 The designation is uncertain. The old botanists gave the name Auricula mv.ris, 
or mouse-ear, to species of Myosotis, Draba, Hieracium, and Gnqphalium. Josselyn's 
plant may rno=t probably be Antenna ria plantaginifvlia, Hook, (mouse-ear of New 
England)', which is very near to A. dioica of Europe. — Gray, Statistics, <fc, I.e., 
p. 81. 


oak acorns (which is the acorn bears delight to feed upon), 
the natives draw an oyl ; taking the rottenest maple-wood, 
which, being burnt to ashes, they make a strong lye there- 
with, wherein they boyl their white-oak acorns until the oyl 
swim on the top in great quantity. This [49] they fleet off, 
and put into bladders, to annoint their naked limbs ; which 
corroborates them exceedingly. They eat it, likewise, with 
their meat. It is an excellent, clear, and sweet oyl. Of the 
moss that grows at the roots of the white oak, the Indesses 
make a strong decoction, with which they help their papouses 
or young children's scall'd heads. 8 

Juniper, which, Cardanus saith, is cedar in hot countries, 
and juniper in cold countries. It is here very dwarfish and 
shrubby ; growing, for the most part, by the sea-side. 9 

Willow. 1 

Spurge-lawrel, called here poyson- berry. It kills the 
English cattle, if they chance to feed upon it ; especially 
calves. 2 

Gaul, or noble mirtle. 3 

Elder. 4 

8 Quercus alba, L.; Q. rubra, L. ; and Q. tinctoria, Bartr. Wood's account of the 
oaks (New-England's Prospect, chap, v.) is similar. In his Voyages, p. 61, Josselyn 
gives us " the ordering of red oake for wainscot. When they have cut it down and 
clear'd it from the branches, they pitch the body of the tree in a muddy place in a 
river, with the head downward, for some time. Afterwards they draw it out; and, 
when it is seasoned sufficiently, they saw it into boards for wainscot; and it will 
branch out into curious works." 

9 Juniperus communis, L.; common to both continents. But the author did not pro- 
bably distinguish from it J. Virrjiniana, L. ; which is frequent, and often dwarfish, near 
the sea. 

1 Salix, L. ; the genus only meant here, it is likely. 

2 Daphne Laureola, L. (Gerard, p. 1404), with which Josselyn may have considered 
Kalmia angustifolia, L., in some sort, allied. The latter has long been known in New 
England as dwarf or low laurel. 

3 Myrica Gale, L. (Gerard, p. 1414); common to Europe and America. 

4 Sambucus, L. Our S. Canadensis, L., differs very little from the common elder of 
Europe, except, as our author in his Voyages says (p. 71), in being "shrubbic," and in 
not having "a smell so strong." — Cf. DC. Prodi:, vol. ii. p. 322; Gerard, p. 1421 
The other North- American elder (S. pubens, Michx.) is at least equally near to the 
European 5. racemosa, L., according to Prof. Gray. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 183 

Dwarf-elder. 5 

For a Cut with a Bruse. 

Alder. An Indian, bruising and cutting of his knee with a 
fall, used no other remedy than alder-bark, chewed fasting, 
and laid to it ; which did soon heal it. 6 

To take Fire out of a Burn. 

The decoction is also excellent to take [50] the fire out of 
a burn or scald. 

For Wounds and Cuts. 

For wounds and cuts, make a strong decoction of bark of 
alder : pour of it into the wound, and drink thereof. 
Hasel. 7 

For sore Mouths, Falling of the Pallat. 

Filberd, both with hairy husks upon the nuts, and setting 
hollow from the nut, and fill'd with a kind of water of an 
astringent taste. It is very good for sore mouths, and falling 
of the pallat ; as is the whole green nut, before it comes to 
kernel, burnt and pulverized. The kernels are seldom with- 
out maggots in them. 7 

5 " There is a sort of dwarf-elder, that grows by the sea-side, that hath a red pith. 
The berries of both" — that is, of this and of the true elder mentioned above — "are 
smaller than English elder; not round, but corner'd." — Voyages, p. 71. Gerard's 
dwarf-elder (p. 1425) is Snmbucus ebulus, L. Josselyn's may have been a Viburnum; 
for this genus was confused with Sambucus by the elder botanists. Wood (New-Eng- 
land Prospect, chap, v.) speaks of — 

" Small eldern, by the Indian fletchers sought; " — 
"which was perhaps arrow- wood, or Viburnum dentatum, L. 

6 Alnus, Tourn. One of the three New-England species (A. incana, Willd.) is 
common to Europe and America. Another (A. serrulata, Willd.) "bears so great a 
resemblance," says F. A. Michaux, to the common European alder (A. glutinosa, Willd.) 
" in its flowers, its seeds, its leaves, its wood, and its bark, as to render a separate 
figure unnecessary; the only difference observable between them" being "that the 
European species is larger, and has smaller leaves." — Sylva, vol. ii. p. 114. Compare 
Gray, Statistics, &c, I. c, p. 83. A. viridis, our third species, is common to Europe 
and this country. 

1 Coryhu, L. Onr species, which are peculiar to America, are both indicated: 
the " filberd, . . . with hairy husks upon the nuts," being C. roslrata, Ait. (beaked 
hazel); and that "setting hollow from the nut," — that is, larger than the nut, — C. 
Americana. Wangenh. (common hazel). 



The Figure of tiie Walnut. 

Walnut. The nuts differ much from 
ours in Europe ; they being smooth, — 
much like a nutmeg in shape, and not 
much bigger : some three-cornered ; all 
of them but thinly replenished with 
kernel^. 8 

[51] Chestnuts ; very sweet in taste, and may be (as they 
usually are) eaten raw. The Indians sell them to the English 
for twelve pence the bushel. 9 

Beech. 1 

8 Carya, Nutt. In the Voyages, p. 69, the author speaks of the " walnut, which is 
divers: some bearing square nuts; others like ours, but smaller. There is likewise 
black walnut, of precious use for tables, cabinets, and the like" (Juglans nigra, L.). 
" The walnut-tree," continues Josselyn, " is the toughest wood in the countrie, and 
therefore made use of for hoops and bowes; there being no yews there growing. In 
England, they made their bowes usually of witch-hasel " (that is, witch-elm, — Ulmus 
montana, Bauh., Lindl. ; as see Gerard, p. 1481: but Carpinus, "in Essex, is called 
witch-hasell," — ib.), ash, yew, the best of outlandish elm; but the Indians make theirs 
of walnut." This was hickory, and what Wood says belongs doubtless to the same. 
He calls it " something different from the English walnut; being a great deal more tough 
and more serviceable, and altogether heavy. And whereas our guns, that are stocked 
with English walnut, are soon broken and cracked in frost, — being a brittle wood, — 
we are driven to stock them new with the country walnut, which will endure all blows 
and weather; lasting time out of mind." After speaking favorably of the fruit, he adds 
(New-Eng. Prospect, chap, vi.), " There is likewise a tree, in some parts of the country, 
that bears a nut as big as a pear," — the butternut, doubtless (Juglans cinerea, L.). 
Josselyn has told us (p. 48) of the oil which the Indians managed to get from the acorns 
of the white oak. Roger Williams (Key, I- <-'., p. 220) says our native Americans made 
"of these walnuts ... an excellent oil, good for many uses, but especially for the 
anointing of their heads." Michaux (Sylva, vol. i. p. 163) says the Indians used the 
oil of the butternut, and also (p. 185) of the shag-bark, "to season their aliments." 
Williams adds (I. c), "Of the chips of the walnut-tree — the bark taken off — some 
English in the country make excellent beer, both for taste, strength, colour, and inof- 
fensive opening operation." 

9 Castanea vesca, Gaertn. ; common to Europe and America. Our chestnut is con- 
sidered to differ from the European onl} r as an American variety of a species common to 
both continents might be expected to. " The Indians have an art of drying their chest- 
nuts, and so to preserve them in their barns for a dainty all the year." — R. Williams, I. c. 

1 Neither Wood nor R. Williams makes mention of it. The younger Michaux con- 
sidered our beech distinct from the European; but Mr. Nuttall makes it only a variety 
of it; while Prof. Gray puts both trees in his list of " very close representative species." 
— Statistics, (fc, I. c, p. 81. 

NEW-EA'GLAND'S rarities discovered. 185 

Ash. 2 

Quick-beam, or wild ash. 3 

Coals of Birch, pulverized and wrought ivith the white of an 
Egg to a Salve, is a gallant Remedy for dry Scurfy-sores 
upon the Shins, and for bruised Wounds and Cuts. 

Birch, white and black. The bark of birch is used by the 
Indians for bruised wounds and cuts,- — boyled very tender, 
and stampt betwixt two stones to a plaister, and the decoction 
thereof poured into the wound ; and also to fetch the fire 
out of burns and scalds. 4 

Poplar, but differing in leaf. 5 

Plumb-tree, several kinds ; bearing, some long, round, white, 
yellow, red, and black plums, — all differing in their fruit 
from those in England. 6 

Wild purcelane. 7 

2 Fraxinus, L. Our species are peculiar to this continent. I cannot account for 
Wood's saying, "It is different from the ash of England; being brittle and good for lit- 
tle, so that walnut is used for it." — New-Eng. Prospect, chap. vi. 

3 Sorbus, L. (Gerard, p. 1473). Our mountain-ash ( S. Americana, Wilkl.) is quite 
near to the quicken, or mountain-ash of the north of Europe (S. aucupnria, L.); but 
hardly, perhaps, to be reduced to an American variety of it, as the elder Michaux 
(Fl. Amer., vol. i. p. 290) proposed. Compare Gray, Statistics, &c, I. c, p. 82. 

* Except the small white birch (B. populifolia, Ait.), which Mr. Spach reduces to a 
variety of the European B. alba, L., — in which he is sustained by Prof. Gray (Man., 
p. 411), — and the dwarf-birch (B. nana, L.) of our alpine regions, all our species are 
peculiar to this continent. — See the author's Voyages, p. 69, for another mention of 
the birches. 

5 Populus, L. Our species are peculiar to the country, as the author's remark sug- 
gests. Wood (I. c.) notices " the ever-trembling asps." 

6 " The plumbs of the country be better for plumbs than the cherries be for cher- 
ries. They be black and yellow; about the bigness of damsons; of a reasonable good 
taste." — New-Eng. Prospect, chap. v. Primus maritima, Wangenh. (beech-plum), and 
P. Americana, Marsh, (wild yellow plum), are no doubt here intended; as also, it is 
likely, by Josselyn, who, it is evident, in this place had only the genus in mind as 
" common with us in England." — See p. 61 for the author's mention of the " wild 

7 Portvlaca oleracea, L. (Gerard, p. 521). " In cornfields. It is eaten as a pot-herb, 
and esteemed by some as little inferior to asparagus." — Cutler; Account of Indigenous 
Vegetables (1785), I. c, p. 447. Considered to have been introduced here; but our 
author enables us to carry back the date of its introduction, without reasonable doubt, 
to the first settlement of the country. Mr. Nuttall regarded the species as indigenous 



Wood-wax, wherewith they dye many pretty colours. 8 
Red and black currans. 9 

[52] For the Gout, or any Ach. 

Spunck, an excrescence growing out of black birch. The 
Indians use it for touchwood; and therewith they help the 
sciatica, or gout of the hip, or any great ach, — burning 
the patient with it in two or three places upon the thigh, 
and upon certain veins. 1 

on the plains of the Missouri; but this plant, "too closely resembling the common 
purslane," according to Prof. Gray (Man., p. 64), has been separated as specifically 
distinct by Dr. Engelmann. 

8 Genista tinctoria, L. (Genistella tinctoria, — green weed, or dyers' weed; Gerard, 
p. 1316). " We shall not need to speake of the use that diers make thereof," says the 
latter. Our author could hardly have been mistaken about so well-known a plant as 
this; which he probably met with in one of his visits to the neighborhood of Boston, — 
long the only American station for it. There is a tradition that it was introduced here 
by Gov. Endicott; which may have been some forty years before Josselyn finished his 
herborizing, — enough to account for its naturalization then. It was long confined to 
Salem ("pastures between New Mills and Salem," — Cutler, I.e., 1785); but occurred 
to me sparingly, in 1841, on the shores of Cambridge Bay, and also on roadsides in 
Old Cambridge. "Woad-seed" is set down, in a memorandum of the Governor and 
Company of Massachusetts Bay, before February, 1628, to be sent to New England 
(Mass. Col. Rec, vol. i. p. 24); and though Isatis tinctoria, L., is true woad, Reseda 
luieola, L. (wold, or weld), and our Genista (woadwaxen), have, it is said (Rees's Cycl., 
in loco), been known "in English herbals under that name." 

9 " Current-bushes are of two kinds, — red and black. The black currents, which 
are larger than the red, . . . are reasonable pleasant in eating." — Voyages, p. 72. Our 
black currant is Ribes jloridum, Herit., — considered by Linnaeus (Sp. PI., p. 291) only a 
variety of R. nigrum, L., the true black currant of the gardens; and our red currant, 
which I have gathered in the White Mountains, — far below the region of R. rigens, 
Michx., the more common red currant there, — appears to be undistinguishable from 
R. rubrum, L. (the red currant of gardens); unless, possibly, as an American variety 
of it. This is probably R. albinervium, Michx. (Fl., vol. i. p. 110; Pursh, Fl., vol. i. 
p. 163). 

1 Polyporus, Mich., sp. — In his Voyages, p. 70, the author speaks of " a stately 
tree, growing here and there in valleys, not like to any trees in Europe; having a 
smooth bark, of a dark-brown colour, the leaves like great maple, in England called 
sycainor; but larger," — which may be Plalanus occidentalis, L. (buttonwood). And 
Wood enables us to add one more to this early account of the genera of plants, which 
we possess, common to the Old World. He tells us (New-England's Prospect, chap, v.) 
" the hornbound tree is a tough kind of wood, that requires so much pains in riving as 
is almost incredible ; being the best to make bowls and dishes, not being subject to 
crack or leak. This tree growing with broad-spread arms, the vines twist their curl- 
ing branches about them ; which vines afford great store of grapes," &c. This was 

new-england's rarities discovered. 187 

2. Of such Plants as are proper to the Country. 

To ripen any Impostume or Swelling. For sore 3Iouths. The 
New-England standing Dish. 

Indian wheat, of which there is three sorts, — yellow, red, 
and blew. The blew is commonly ripe before the other, a 
month. Five or six grains of Indian wheat hath produced, 
in one year, six hundred. It is hotter than our wheat, and 
clammy ; excellent in cataplasms, to ripen any swelling or im- 
postume. The decoction of the blew corn is good to wash 
sore mouths with. It is light of digestion ; and the English 
make a kind of loblolly of it [53] to eat with milk, which 
they call sampe. They beat it in a morter, and sift the flower 
out of it. The remainder they call homminey, which they 
put into a pot of two or three gallons, with water, and boyl 
it upon a gentle fire till it be like a hasty pudden. They 
put of this into milk, and so eat it. Their bread also they 
make of the homminey so boiled, and mix their flower with it ; 
cast it into a deep bason, in which they form the loaf; and 
then turn it out upon the peel, and presently put it into the 
oven before it spreads abroad. The flower makes excellent 
puddens. 2 

our American hornbeam ( Carpinus Americana, L.). And the same author again alludes 
to it, in verse, as — 

" The horn-bound tree, that to be cloven scorns ; 
Which from the tender Tine oft takes his spouse, 
Who twines embracing arms about his boughs." 

A pleasant enough illustration of what taught classical husbandry, — " vlmis adjungere 
vites." — Georg., i. 2. 

2 See also the Voyages, p. 73. "It is almost incredible," says Higginson (New- 
England's Plantation, I.e., p. 118), "what great gaine some of our English planters 
have had by our Indian corne. Credible persons have assured me, — and the partie 
himselfe avouched the truth of it to me, — that, of the setting of thirteen gallons of 
corne, hee hath had encrease of it 52 hogsheads; every hogshead holding seven bushels, 
of London measure: and every bushell was by him sold and trusted to the Indians for 
so much beaver as was worth 18 shillings. And so, of this 13 gallons of corne, which 
was worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he made about 327 pounds of it the yeere following, as 
by reckoning will appeare; where you may see how God blessed husbandry in this 


Bastard Calamus aromaticus agrees with the description, 
but is not barren. They flower in July, and grow in wet 
places ; as about the brinks of ponds. 3 

To keep the Feet warm. 

The English make use of the leaves to keep their feet warm. 
There is a little beast called a muskquash, that liveth in small 
houses in the ponds, like mole-hills, that feed upon these 
plants. Their cods sent as sweet and as strong as musk ; and 
will last a long time, handsomly wrap'd up in cotton-wool. 
They are very good to lay amongst cloaths. May is the best 
[54] time to kill them ; for then their cods sent strongest. 

Wild leekes, which the Indians use much to eat with their 
fish. 4 

A plant like knaves'-mustard, called New-England mustard. 5 

Mountain-lillies, bearing many yellow flowers, turning up 
their leaves like the martigon, or Turk's-cap ; spotted with 
small spots as deep as safforn. They flower in July. 6 

land. There is not such greate and plentifull eares of corne, I suppose, any where else 
to bee found bitt in this countrey; because, also, of varietie of colours, — as red, blew, 
and yellow, &c: and of one corne there springeth four or five hundred." Roger Wil- 
liams (Key, I.e., pp. 208, 221) has some interesting particulars of the Indian use of 
their corn. According to him, the Indian msiclcquatash (that is, succotash, as we call 
it now) was "boiled corn whole," and " nawsaump, a kind of meal pottage unparched. 
From this the English call their samp; which is the Indian com beaten and boiled, and 
eaten, hot or cold; with milk or butter, — which are mercies beyond the natives' plain 
water, and which is a dish exceeding wholesome for the English bodies." 

3 Acorus Calamus, L.; common to Europe and America. In his Voyages, p. 77, the 
author drops properly, in mentioning this, the injurious prefix. It seems that our New- 
England forefathers used the leaves to cover their cold floors, as they had used rushes 
at home; and, according to Sir W. J. Hooker (Br. Fl., vol. i. p. 159), the pleasant smell 
of the plant has recommended it, in like manner, "for strewing on the floor of the 
cathedral at Norwich, on festival days." 

4 Allium Canadense, L., probably. — See also p. 55, note 4. 

6 "Knaves'-mustard (for that it is too bad for honest men)." — Gerard, p. 262. 
The "New-England mustard," which was like it, may be Lepldium Virginicum, L. ; 
which, having "a taste like common garden-cress, or peppergrass " (Bigel., Fl. Bost., 
in loco), perhaps attracted the first settlers. 

6 The " many flowers," with reflexed sepals, perhaps refer this to our noble Ameri- 
can Turk's-cap (Lilium. superbum, L.), rather than to the yellow lily (L. Canadense, L.). 

new-england's rarities discovered. 189 

One-berry, or herb true-love. See the figure. 7 
Tobacco. There is not much of it planted in New Eng- 
land. The Indians make use of a small kind, with short, round 
leaves, called poolce? 

For Burns and Scalds. 

With a strong decoction of tobacco, they cure burns and 
scalds : boiling it in water from a quart to a pint, then wash 
the sore therewith, and strew on the powder of dryed to- 

7 See p. 81. 

8 "They take their wuttammauog, — that is, a weak tobacco, — which the men 
plant themselves, very frequently. Yet I never see any take so excessively as I have 
seen men in Europe; and yet excess were more tolerable in them, because they want 
the refreshing of beer and wine, which God had vouchsafed Europe." — R. Williams, 
Key, I. c, p. 213. And, in another place, the same writer says that tobacco is "com- 
monly the only plant which men labour in" (he is speaking of the Indians); "the 
women managing all the rest" (p. 208). Wood, in his list of Indian words (New-Eng- 
Prospect, adult.), spells the Indian word, above given, ottommaocke, — (perhaps both are 
comparable with " undtahimneash, strawberries" (Williams, I. c, p. 220), and "weeti- 
moquat, it smells sweet" (Vocab. of Narraganset Lang., in Hist. Coll., vol. v. p. 82); og, 
ock, and ash, being all plural terminations; between which and "the noun in the sin- 
gular one or more consonants or vowels are frequently interspersed" (ibid., vol. iii. 
p. 222. note); and oquat, from the context, the verbal; and the root appearing possibly 
the same), — and also defines it as tobacco. There is much other. testimony that the 
New-England savages were found using "tobacco" (as Mourt's Relation, I. c, p. 230; 
and Winslow's Relation, I.e., p. 253); but our author's text, above, appears to distin- 
guish the true herb, "not much planted," from "a small kind called pooke," which 
" the Indians make use of." And again, more clearly, in his Voyages, we have to the 
same effect: "The Indians in New England use a small, round-leafed tobacco, called 
by them or the fishermen poke. It is odious to the English. ... Of marchantable . . . 
tobacco, . . . there is little of it planted in New England; neither have they" (both 
clauses appear to refer to the English) "learned the right way of curing of it." This 
"marchantable tobacco" was no doubt mainly Nicoliana tabacum, L.; but the other 
kind, the weak tobacco," — cultivated, as Williams tells us, by the Indians, and recog- 
nized as tobacco by the English, — was not, as Wood says (N. E. Prospect, I. c), colt's- 
foot, but Nicoliana ruslica, L. (the yellow henbane of Gerard's Herbal, p. 356), well 
known to have been long in cultivation among the American savages, and now a natu- 
ralized relic of that cultivation in various parts of the United States. The name, 
poke, or pooke, — if it be, as is supposable, the same with "puck, smoke," of the Nar- 
raganset vocabulary of R. Williams (Hist. Coll., vol. v. p. 84), — was perhaps always 
indefinite, and, since Cutler's day, has been applied in New England to the green hem- 
lock ( Veratrum viride, Ait.); but this was not, it is evident, the poke of the first settlers. 
The name is also given to Phytolacca decandra, L. (the skoke of Cutler), and the helle- 
bore apparently distinguished from this as Indian poke ; but the application of the 
name to the former, at least, probably had its origin among the whites. 



Hollow-leaved lavender is a plant that grows in salt-marshes 
overgrown with moss ; with one straight stalk about the big- 
ness of an oat-straw, better than a cubit high. Upon the top 
standeth one [55] fantastical flower. The leaves grow close 

Hollow-lea v'd Lavender. — [Page 54.] 

from the root, in shape like a tankard ; hollow, tough, and 
alwayes full of water. The root is made up of many small 
strings, growing only in the moss, and not in the earth. The 
whole plant comes to its perfection in August, and then it 
has leaves, stalks, and flowers, as red as blood ; excepting the 

new-england's rarities discovered. 191 

flower, which hath some yellow admixt. I wonder where 
the knowledge of this plant hath slept all this while ; i.e., 
above forty years. 

For all Manner of Fluxes. 

It is excellent for all manner of fluxes. 

Live-for-ever, a kind of cud-weed. 9 

Tree-primerose, taken by the ignorant for scabious. 1 

A solar plant, as some will have it. 

Maiden-hair, or Cappellus veneris verus, which ordinarily is 
half a yard in height. The apothecaries, for shame, now will 
substitute wall-rue no more for maiden-hair, since it grows 
in abundance in New England, from whence they may have 
good store. 2 

9 " Live-for-ever. It is a kind of cud-weed. ... It growes now plentifully in our 
English gardens. . . . The fishermen, when they want" (that is, lack) "tobacco, take 
this herb; being cut and dryed." — Voyages, p. 78; where the author adds the peculiar 
medicinal virtues of the plant, which are the same as those assigned by Gerard (p. 644) 
to the genus. Compare, as to this, Wood and Bache, Dispens., p. 1334. The species 
intended by Josselyn is our everlasting (Antennaria margaritacea (L.) Br.), described 
by Gerard, and figured by Johnson in his edition of the former (p. 641), and first pub- 
lished by Clusius (GnaphaUum Americanum, Bar. PI. Hist., vol. i. p. 327) in 1601. 
Clusius had it from England, says Johnson. The dried herb, used by the fishermen 
instead of tobacco, and no doubt called by them poke, may have been mistaken by 
Wood for colt's-foot, the leaves of which were " smoked by the ancients in pulmonary 
complaints; . . . and, in some parts of Germany, are at the present time said to be 
substituted for tobacco." — Wood and Barhe, Dispens., p. 1401. Cornus sericea, L., — 
"called by the natives squaw-bush" (Williamson's Hist. Maine, vol. i. p. 125), and by 
the western Indians Knnikinnik (Gray, Man., p. 161); furnished, in its inner bark (on 
the medicinal properties of which, see especially Rees's Cycl., Amer. ed., in loco), a sub- 
stitute for Nicotiana, — very widely approved among the native Americans. The 
name, Indian tobacco, given to Lobelia inflaia, L. (the emetic- weed of Cutler, I. c, 
p. 484; who "first attracted to it the attention of the profession"), by the whites, is 
in some connections confusing, and might well be displaced by wild tobacco, which 
is also in popular use. 

1 Oenothera biennis, L. (Johnson's Gerard, p. 475), — known to Europeans, accord- 
ing to Linnaeus (Sp. PL, p. 493), as early as 1614; but first described and figured by 
Prosper Alpinus, in his posthumous De PI. Kxoticis, p. 325, t. 324, cit. L. Johnson 
says that Parkinson gave it the English name of tree-primrose, which it still keeps. It 
is "vulgarly known by the name of scabish (a corruption, probably, of scabious)" in 
the country. — Bigel. Fl. Bost., in loco. Josselyn describes the plant in his Voyages, p. 78. 

2 Adiantum pedatum, L. — The European A. Capillus veneris, L., long used as a 
pectoral (the sirop de copillaire of French shops being made of it), is, according to 
Messrs. Wood and Bache (Dispens., p. 1290), "feebler" than our species, which Josse- 
lyn recommends. 


Pirola, two kinds (see the figures) ; both of them excellent 
wound-herbs. 3 

Homer's Molley. 4 

[56] Lysimachus, or loose-strife. It grows in dry grounds 
in the open sun, four foot high ; flowers from the middle of 
the plant to the top ; the flowers purple, standing upon a 
small sheath, or cod, which, when it is ripe, breaks, and puts 
forth a white silken doun. « The stalk is red, and as big as 
one's finger. 5 

Marygold of Peru, of which there are two kinds, — one 
bearing black seeds ; the other black and white streak'd. 
This beareth the fairest flowers, — commonly but one, — upon 
the very top of the stalk. 6 

Treacle-berries (see, before, Salomon's seal). 

Oak of Hierusalem (see before). 

Oak of Cappadocia (see before). 

Earth-nuts, differing much from those in England. One 
sort of them bears a most beautiful flower. 7 

For the Scurvy and Dropsie. 

Sea-tears. They grow upon the sea-banks in abundance. 
They are good for the scurvy and dropsie ; boiled and eaten 
as a sallade, and the broth drunk with it. 8 

3 See pp. 67, 68. 

4 Johnson's Gerard, p. 183: which is perhaps Allium magicum, L.; for which our 
A. tricoccum, Ait., may have been mistaken. — See also p. 54 of this; note. 

6 Epilobium angusiifolium, L. (rosebay willow-herbe of Gerard by Johnson); which 
last figures it at p. 477: common to Europe and America; but some botanists have, 
like Josselyn, reckoned the American plant " proper to the country." 

6 Jlelianlhus, L. (Gerard, p. 751), a genus peculiar to America; called "American 
marygold" in the Voyages (p. 59), where it is set down among the more striking of our 
New-England flowers. At p. 82 of this book, the author gives a cut of the " marygold 
of America," which he describes. It is probably the second one above mentioned, and 
perhaps B. strumosus, L., Gray. The other kind, with " black seeds," was probably 
H. divaricatus, L. 

7 See p. 47. The earth-nuts of Gerard (p. 1064) are species of Bulbocastanum of 

8 Not clear to me. But, taking the alleged virtues and the station into account, our 
author may mean here the rather striking American sea-rocket ( Cakile Americana, 
Nutt.); which, it is likely, occurred to him. Spurge-time (p. 43) also grows on "sea- 


Indian Beans, better for Phy sick -Use than other Beans. 

Indian beans, falsly called French beans, are better for 
physick and chyrurgery [57] than our garden-beans. Pro- 
batum est. 9 

Squashes, but more truly squontersquashes ; a kind of mel- 
lon, or rather gourd ; for they oftentimes degenerate into 
gourds. Some of these are green ; some yellow ; some long- 
ish, like a gourd ; others round, like an apple : all of them 
pleasant food, boyled and buttered, and season'd with spice. 
But the yellow squash — called an apple-squash (because like 
an apple), and about the bigness of a pome-water — is the 
best kind. 1 They are much eaten by the Indians and Eng- 
lish ; yet they breed the small white worms (which physi- 
tians call ascarides) in the long gut, that vex the fundament 
with a perpetual itching, and a desire to go to stool. ■ 

Water-mellon. It is a large fruit, but nothing near so big 
as a pompion ; colour smoother, and of a sad grass-green ; 

9 "French beans; or, rather, American beans. The herbalists call them kidney- 
beans, from their shape and effects; for they strengthen the kidneys. They are varie- 
gated much, — some being bigger, a great deal, than others; some white, black, red, 
yellow, blue, spotted: besides your Bonivis, and C'alavances, and the kidney-benn that 
is proper to Bonoake. But these are brought into the country: the other are natural 
to the climate." — Josselyn's Voyages, p. 73-4. B. Williams (Key, I.e., p. 208) gives 
manusquussedash as the Indian word for beans. Cornuti (whose book, indeed, is not 
confined to Canadian plants; though, on the other hand, he was sometimes ill informed 
of the true locality of his specimens; as in the case of Asclepias Cornuti, Decsne, which 
he published as A. Syriaca) figures and describes, at pp. 184-5, Phaseolus multiflorus, 
L. ; and this may possibly have been raised from seeds procured by French missiona- 
ries from the Canadian savages: but P. vulgaris, L., our well-known bush-bean, is 
doubtless what Josselyn has mainly in view, as cultivated by the native Americans. 

1 " Askulasquash, — their vine-apples, — which the English, from them, call 
squashes: about the bigness of apples of several colours." — R. Williams, Key, <fc, 
I. c, p. 222. " In summer, when their corn is spent, isquotersquashes is their best 
bread; a fruit much like a pumpion." — Wood, Ntw-Eng. Prospect, part 2, chap. vi. 
The late Dr. T. W. Harris made the ill-understood edible gourds a special object of 
study, and devoted particular attention to the ascertaining of the kinds cultivated by 
the American savages; but his papers have not as yet seen the light. The warted 
squash ( Cucurbito. verrucosa, L.) and the orange-gourd ( C. aurantium, Willd.) — the fruit 
of which last is of the size and color of an orange, and " more tender than the common 
pompion" (Loudon, Encycl. PI.) — are perhaps, in part, intended by our author. 



rounder, or, more rightly, sap-green ; with some yellowness 
admixt when ripe. The seeds are black ; the flesh, or pulpe, 
exceeding juicy. 2 

For Heat and Thirst in Feavers. 

It is often given to those sick of feavers, and other hot dis- 
eases, with good success. 

[58] New-England daysie, or primrose, is the second kind 
of navel-wort in Johnson upon Gerard. It flowers in May, 
and grows amongst moss upon hilly grounds and rocks that 
are shady. 3 

For Burns and Scalds. 

It is very good for burns and scalds. 

2 " Pompions and water-mellons, too, they have good store," says our author 
(Voyages, p. 130); and again, at p. 74 of the same, " The water-melon is proper to the 
countrie. The flesh of it is of a flesh-colour; a rare cooler of feavers, and excellent 
against the stone." The water-melon (Cucurbita eitruttus, L.) is "the only medecine 
the common people use in ardent fevers," in Egypt (Loudon, I. c). Cucurbita pepo, L. 
(Gr. nenuv ; Low Dutch, pepoen, pompoen; Fr., pompone), is our English pompion, or 
pumpkin. At p. 91, Josselj-n speaks of pompions "proper to the country." Compare 
Gerard's chapter " of melons, or pompions" (Johnson's Gerard, p. 918), where are two 
Virginian sorts ; and see " the ancient New-England standing dish," at p. 91 of this book. 
The evidence appears to be sufficient, that our savages had in cultivation, together 
with their corn and tobacco, — and, like these, derived originally from tropical regions, 
— several sorts of what we call squashes, some kinds of pompion, and also water- 
melons; and, Graves's letter (New-England Plantation, I. c, p. 124) adds, musk-melons. 
See further, especially, Champlain (Voy. de la Nouv. France, passim) and L'Escarbot 
(Hist, de la Nouv. France, vol. ii. p. 836). Mr. A. De Candolle (Geogr. Bot., vol. ii. 
pp. 899, 904) disputes the American origin of the edible gourds, but does not appear to 
have examined all the early authorities for their cultivation by the savages before the 
settlement of this country. Such cultivation appears to be made out, and to indicate 
that these vegetables have probably been known, from very remote antiquity, in the 
warmer parts of America. But this does not touch the difficult question of origin; and 
it may still appear that the gourds are equally ancient in Europe, and derived, both 
here and there, from Asia (De Cand., I. c); such derivation being explainable, in the 
case of America, by old migrations from Asia through Polynesia. ■ — Pickering, Races of 
Man, chap. 17. 

3 Johnson's Gerard, p. 528; where the same plant is also called "jagged or rose 
penniwoort," and is probably what our author intends at p. 43 of this. It was no doubt 
our pretty Saxifraga Virginiensis, Michx., which Josselyn had in view. In his Voy- 
ages, p. 80, he assigns to it the medicinal virtues which Gerard attributes to the great 
navel-wort, or wall-pennywort ( Cotyledon umbilicus, Huds.) 


An Achariston, or Medicine deserving Thanks. 

An Indian, whose thumb was swell'd and very much in- 
flamed,, and full of pain, increasing and creeping along to 
the wrist ; with little black spots under the thumb, against the 
nail: I cured it with this Umbilicus veneris (root and all), the 
yolk of an egg, and wheat-flower (f. cataplasme). 

Briony of Peru (we call it, though its grown hear) ; or, 
rather, scammony. Some take it for mechoacan. The green 
juice is absolutely poyson ; yet the root, when dry, may safely 
be given to strong bodies. 4 

Eed and black currence (see before). 

Wild damask roses, single, but very large and sweet, but 
stiptick. 5 

Sweet fern. 6 The roots run one within another, like a net ; 
being very long, and spreading abroad under the upper crust 
of [59] the earth : sweet in taste, but withal astringent. 
Much hunted after by our swine. The Scotchmen that are in 
New England have told me that it grows in Scotland. 

For Fluxes. 

The people boyl the tender tops in molosses-beer, and in 
possets for fluxes ; for which it is excellent. 

* Convolvulus septum, L. (great bind-weed) is exceedingly like to C. Scammonia, L., 
the inspissated juice of which is the officinal scammony; and is common to Europe 
and North America. Gerard's bryony of Peru (p. 872-3), to which Josselyn refers, is, 
whatever it be, not found here. Compare Cutler's remarks on C- septum (Account of 
Veg., &c, I. c, p. 416). Mechoacan, "called . . . Indian briony, or briony, or scam- 
mony of America," from the Caribbee Islands, &c, is described in Hughes, Amer. 
Physitian (1672), p. S4; and see Wood and Bache, Dispells., p. 424, note. 

5 Rosa Carolina, L. (Carolina rose), probably. — See Cutler's observations, I.e., 
p. 451. Higginson also notices "single damaske roses, verie sweete." — New-Eng. 
Plantation, I. c, p. 119. Our Carolina rose is said to be common in English shrub- 

6 See also Voyages, p. 72. Our author is the earliest authority that I have met 
with for this name; and his plant, which is placed among those " proper to the coun- 
try," may very well be what has long been called sweet-fern in New England, — Comp- 
toma asphnifolio. (L.) Ait.; still used in "molasses beer," and medicinal in the way 
mentioned. — Emerson, Trees and Shrubs of Mass., p. 226. 


Sarsaparilia, a plant not yet sufficiently known by the Eng- 
lish. Some say it is a kind of bind-weed. We have, in New- 
England, two plants that go under the name of sarsaparilia : 
the one, not above a foot in height, without thorns ; the other 
having the same leaf, but is a shrub as high as a gooseberry- 
bush, and full of sharp thorns. This I esteem as the right, 
by the shape and savour of the roots ; but rather by the 
effects answerable to that "we have from other parts of the 
world. It groweth upon dry, sandy banks by the sea-side ; 
and upon the banks of rivers, so far as the salt water flows ; 
and within land up in the country, as some have reported. 7 

Bill-berries, two kinds; — black, and sky-coloured, which is 
more frequent. 8 

[60] To cool the Heat of Feavers, and quench Thirst. 

They are very good to allay the burning heat of feavers 
and hot agues, either in syrup or conserve. 

A most excellent Summer Dish. 

They usually eat of them, put into a bason, with milk, and 
sweetned a little more with sugar and spice ; or for cold 

1 See Josselyn's Voyages, p. 77. The first of the two plants which the author 
mentions here is probably Aralia nudicavlis, L. (wild sarsaparilia); and the other, 
A. hisjrida, Michx. The last, which is what is spoken of in the Voyages, has been 
recommended for medicinal properties by Prof. Peck. — Wood and Bache, Disjoins., 
p. 116. 

8 "Attitaash (whortleberries), of which there are divers sorts; sweet, like currants; 
some opening, some of a binding nature. Sauiaash are these currants dried by the 
natives, and so preserved all the year; which they beat to powder, and mingle it with 
their parched meal, and make a delicate dish which they call sautauthig, which is as 
sweet to them as plum or spice cake to the English." — R. Williams, Key, cfc, I. c, 
p. 221. The fruitful and wholesome American whortleberries, or bilberries, were, it is 
likely, a very pleasant discovery to our forefathers. It was, no doubt, those species 
that we call blueberries which they made most of, and particularly the low blueberry 
( Vaccinium Pennsylvanicum, Lam.) and the swamp-blueberry ( V. corymbosum, L.). 
From these the common black whortleberry ( Gaylussacia resinosa, Torr. and Gray) dif- 
fers no less in quality than in structure. SaHe (compare sauiaash, above), in Rasles 
Diet, of the Abnaki Language, I. c, p. 450, is rendered u frais, sans etre sees; hrsaHls 
s't sees, sikisa'tar." 

new-england's rarities discovered. 197 

stomachs, in sack. The Indians dry them in the sun, and sell 
them to the English by the bushell ; who make use of them 
instead of currence, — putting of them into puddens, both 
boyled and baked, and into water-gruel. 

Knot-berry, or clowde-berry ; seldom ripe. 9 

Sumach, differing from all that I did ever see in the her- 
balists. Our English cattle devour it most abominably, 
leaving neither leaf nor branch ; yet it sprouts again next 
spring. 1 

For Colds. 

The English use to boyl it in beer, and drink it for colds ; 
and so do the Indians, from whom the English had the medi- 

Wild cherry. They grow in clusters, like [61] grapes ; of 
the same bigness ; blackish-red, when ripe ; and of a harsh 
taste. 2 

For Fluxes. 

They are also good for fluxes. 

Transplanted and manured, they grow exceeding fair. 

9 The cloud-berry — Ruhus chnmcemorus, L. (Gerard, p. 1420) — is found in some 
parts of the subalpine region of the White Mountains; and Mr. Oakes detected it at 
Lubec, on the coast of Maine. It is common to both continents; and perhaps, there- 
fore, as our author gives his cloud-berry a place in this division of his book, he may 
have meant something else. 

1 Rhus, L. ; the species differing, as our author repeats in his Voyages (p. 71 ), " from 
all the kinds set down in our English herbals," Wood (N. Eng. Prospect, chap, v.) 
calls it " the dear shumach." Josselyn's account of the virtues of our species, here, 
and especially in the Voyages (I. c), agrees so well with what Gerard says of the pro- 
perties of the European tanner's sumach (R. coriaria, L.), that the latter may very 
likely have, in part, suggested the former. But see Cutler, I. c, p. 427. 

2 " The cherry-trees yield great store of cherries, which grow on clusters like 
grapes. They be much smaller than our English cherry; nothing near so good, if they 
be not fully ripe. They so furr the mouth, that the tongue will cleave to the roof, and 
the throat wax hoarse with swallowing those red bullies (as I may call them); being 
little better in taste " (that is, than bullaces). " English ordering may bring them to 
an English cherry; but they are as wild as the Indians." — New- England's Prospect, 
chap. v. The choke-cherry (Cerasus Virginiana (L.) DC.) and the wild cherry (C. 
strotina (Eb.rh.j DC.) are meant. 


Board-pine is a very large tree, two or three fadom about. 3 

For Wounds. 

It yields a very soveraign turpentine for the curing of des- 
perate wounds. 

For Stabbs. 

The Indians make use of the moss, boiled in spring water, 
for stabbs ; pouring in the liquor, and applying the boiled 
moss, well stamp'd or beaten betwixt two stones. 

For Burning and Scalding. 

And, for burning and scalding, they first take out the fire 
with a strong decoction of alder-bark ; then they lay upon it 
a playster of the bark of board-pine, first boyled tender, and 
beat to a playster betwixt two stones. 

To take Fire out of a Burn. 

One Christopher Luxe, a fisherman, having burnt his knee- 
pan, was healed [62] again by an Indian webb, or wife (for 
so they call those women that have husbands). She first 
made a strong decoction of alder-bark, with which she took 
out the fire by imbrocation, or letting of it drop upon the 
sore, which would smoak notably with it. Then she plays- 
tered it with the bark of board-pine or hemlock-tree, boyled 
soft, and stampt betwixt two stones till it was as thin as 
brown paper, and of the same colour. She annointed the 
playster with soyles oyl, and the sore likewise ; then she laid 
it on warm ; and sometimes she made use of the bark of the 

3 Pinus Strobus, L. (white pine). " Of the body the English make large canows of 
20 foot long, and two foot and a half over; hollowing of them with an adds, and shaping 
of the outside like a boat." — Josselyn's Voyages, p. 64; where is more concerning the 
use of this tree in medicine. " I have seen," says Wood, " of these stately, high-grown 
trees, ten miles together, close by the river-side; from whence, by shipping, they might 
be conveyed to any desired port." — NeiE-Eng. Prospect, chap. v. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 199 

To eat out proud Flesh in a Sore. 

And, to eat out the proud flesh, they take a kind of earth- 
nut, boyled and stamped ; and, last of all, they apply to the 
sore the roots of water-lillies, boiled and stamped betwixt 
two stones to a plajster. 

For Stitches. 

The flrr-tree, or pitch-tree. 4 The tar that is made of all 
sorts of pitch-wood is an excellent thing to take away those 
desperate stitches of the sides which perpetually afflicteth 
those poor people that are [63] stricken with the plague of 
the back. 

Note. — You must make a large toast, or cake, slit and dip 
it in the tar, and bind it warm to the side. 

The most common Diseases in New England. 

The black-pox, the spotted-feaver, the griping of the guts, 
the dropsie, and the sciatica, are the killing diseases in New 

The larch-tree, which is the only tree of all the pines that 
sheds his leaves before winter ; the other remaining green all 
the year. This is the tree from which we gather that useful 
purging excrense, agarick. 5 

4 Abies balsamea (L.) Marsh, (balsam-fir). "The firr-tree is a large tree, too; but 
seldom so big as the pine. The bark is smooth, with knobs, or blisters, in which lyeth 
clear liquid turpentine, — very good to be put into salves and oyntments. The leaves, 
or cones, boiled in beer, are good for the scurvie. The young buds are excellent to put 
into epithemes for warts and corns. The rosen is altogether as good as frankincense. 
. . . The knots of this tree and fat-pine are used by the English instead of candles; 
and it will burn along time: but it makes the people pale" (Josselyn's Voyages, p. 66); 
besides being, as Wood says (I. c, speaking of the pine), "something sluttish." But 
Higginson says they " are very usefull in a house, and . . . burne as cleere as a torch." 
— New-Eng. Plantation, I. c, p. 122. 

6 Larix Americana, Michx. (Larch; "" Cutler; tamaracJc; hachnatach.) 
" Groundsels, made of larch-tree, will never rot; and the longer it lyes, the harder it 
growes, that you may almost drive a nail into a bar of iron as easily as into that." — 
Josselyn's Voyar/e.o, p. 68. " The turpentine that issueth from the cones of the larch-tree 
(which comes nearest of any to the right turpentine) is singularly good to heal wounds, 


For Wounds and Cuts. 

The leaves and gum are both very good to heal wounds 
and cuts. 

For Wounds with Bruises. 

I cured once a desperate bruise with a cut upon the knee- 
pan, with an ungent made with the leaves of the larch-tree, 
and hog's grease ; but the gum is best. 

Spruce is a goodly tree ; of which they make masts for 
ships, and sail-yards. It is generally conceived, by those that 
have [64] skill in building of ships, that here is absolutely 
the best trees in the world ; many of them being three fathom 
about, and of great length. 6 

An Achariston for the Scu?*vy. 

The tops of green spruce-boughs, boiled in bear, and drunk, 
is assuredly one of the best remedies for the scurvy ; restor- 
ing the infected party in a short time. They also make a 
lotion of some of the decoction ; adding honey and allum. 

Hemlock-tree, a kind of spruce. The bark of this tree 
serves to dye tawny. The fishers tan their sails and nets 
with it. 7 

and to draw out the malice (or thorn, as Helmont phrases it) of any ach; rubbing the 
place therewith, and throwing upon it the powder of sage-leaves." — Ibid., p. 66. 

6 Abies nigra, Poir. (black or double spruce), and probably also A. alba, Michx. 
(white or single spruce). At Pascataway there is now a spruce-tree, brought down to 
the water-side by our mass-men, of an incredible bigness, and so long that no skipper 
durst ever yet adventure to ship it; but there it lyes and rots." — Josselyn's Voyages, 
p. .67. 

V Abies Canadensis (L.), Michx. (hemlock spruce). Beside the coniferous trees here 
set down, our author mentions in his Voyages <p. 67) " the white cedar, ... a stately 
tree, and is taken by some to be tamarisk." This, which is probably our white cedar 
(Cupressus (hyoides, L.), he says "the English saw into boards to floor their rooms; for 
which purpose it is excellent, long-lasting, and wears very smooth and white. Like- 
wise they make shingles to cover their houses with, instead of tyle. It will never 
•warp." Wood (New-Eng. Prospect, chap, v.) makes mention of a "cedar-tree, . . . 
a tree of no great growth; not bearing above a foot and a half, at the most; neither is 
it very high. . . . This wood is more desired for ornament than substance; being of 
colour red and white, like eugh; smelling as sweet as juniper. It is commonly used 
for ceiling of houses, and making of chests, boxes, and staves." This seems likely to 

new-england's rarities discovered. 201 

To break Sore or Swelling. 

The Indians break and heal their swellings and sores with 
it ; boyling the inner bark of young hemlock very well ; then 
knocking of it betwixt two stones to a playster ; and, annoint- 
ing or soaking it in soyls' oyl, they apply it to the sore. It 
will break a sore swelling speedily. 

One-berry, Herba Paris, or true-love. 8 

Sassafras, or ague-tree. 9 

[65] For Heat in Feavers. 

The chips of the root, boyled in beer, is excellent to allay 
the hot rage of feavers ; being drunk. 

For Bruises and dry Blowes. 

The leaves of the same tree are very good, made into an 
oyntment, for bruises and dry blows. The bark of the root 
we use instead of cinamon ; and it is sold at the Barbadoes 
for two shillings the pound. 

And why may not this be the bark the Jesuit's powder was 
made of, that was so famous, not long since, in England, for 

Cranberry, or bearberry (because bears use much to feed 
upon them), is a small, trayling plant, that grows in salt- 
marshes that are overgrown with moss. The tender branches, 
w T hich are reddish, run out in great length, lying flat on the 
ground ; where, at distances, they take root, overspreading 
sometimes half a score acres, sometimes in small patches of 

have been the American Arbor vita ( Thya occidenlalis, L.); also called white-cedar. — 
Compare Emerson, Trees and Shrubs of Mass., pp. 96, 100. For mention of the juni- 
per, see ante, p. 49. 

8 See p. 81; and ante, p. 54. 

'■* Sassafras officinale, Nees. " This tree growes not beyond Black Point, eastward." 
— Josselyn's Voyages, p. 68. Michaux (Sylva, vol. ii. p. 144) says, " The neighbourhood 
of Portsmouth . . . may be assumed as one of the extreme points at which it is found 
towards the north-east;" but, according to Mr. Emerson (Trees and Shrubs of Mass., 
p. 322), it is " found as far north as Canada," though ..." there a small tree." 



about a rood or the like. The leaves are like box, but greener, 

— thick and glistering. The blossoms are very like the 
flowers of [66] our English night-shade ; after which succeed 
the berries, hanging by long, small foot-stalks, no bigger than 
a hair. At first, they are of a pale-yellow colour ; afterwards 
red, and as big as a cherry : some perfectly round, others 
oval ; all of them hollow ; of a sower, astringent taste. They 
are ripe in August and September. 1 

For the Scurvy. 
They are excellent against the scurvy. 

For the Heat in Feavers. 

They are also good to allay the fervour of hot diseases. 

The Indians and English use them much, boyling them 
with sugar for sauce to eat with their meat ; and it is a deli- 
cate sauce, especially for roasted mutton. Some make tarts 
with them as with gooseberries. 

Vine, much differing in the fruit ; all of them very fleshy : 
some reasonably pleasant ; others have a taste of gunpowder, 

— and these grow in swamps, and low, wet grounds. 2 

1 Vaccinium macrocarpum, Ait. Our author seems not to have known the European 
cranberry (V. oxycoccus, L., the marish-wortes, or fenne-berries, of Gerard, p. 1419); 
which is also found in our cold bogs, especially upon mountains. This is called by 
Sir W. J. Hooker (Br. Fl., vol. i. p. 178), "far superior to the foreign V. macrocarpon ; " 
but, from Gerard's account, it should appear that it was formerly much less thought 
of in England than was ours (according to Josselyn) here, by both Indians and English. 
Linnasus speaks of the European fruit in much the same way, in 1737, in his Flora of 
Lapland, where he says, " Baccce hm a Lapponibus in %isum cibarium non vocanlur, nee 

facile ab aliis nationibus, cum nimis acidce tint" (Fl. Lapp., p. 145): but corrects this in 
a paper on the esculent plants of Sweden, in 1752; asking, not without animation, 
"Ha/rum vero cum saccharo prceparata gelatina, quid in mensis nostris jucundius?" 
( Amsen. Acad., t. iii. p. 86.) Our American cranberry was probably the " sasemineash 
— another sharp, cooling fruit, growing in fresh waters all the winter; excellent in con- 
serve against fevers " — of R. Williams, Key, I. c, p. 221. — Compare Masimin, rendered 
[fruits] " rourjes petits." ■ — Hastes' Diet., Abnaki, I. c, p. 460. 

2 Wood says the " vines afford great store of grapes, which are very big, both for 
the grape and cluster; sweet and good. These be of two sorts, — red and white. There 
is likewise a smaller kind of grape which groweth in the islands " (that is, of Massa- 
chusetts Bay), " which is sooner ripe, and more delectable: so that there is no known 

new-england's rarities discovered. 


[67] 3. Of such Plants as are proper to the Country, and have 

no Name. 


Pirola, or wiDter-green. That kind which grows with us 
in England is common in New England. 3 But there is another 
plant which I judge to be a kind of pirola, and proper to this 
country ; a very beautiful plant. The shape of the leaf, and 
the just bigness of it, you may see in the figure. 

The Leaf of the Plant judged to be a kind of Pirola. 

The ground whereof is a sap-green ; embroydered, as it 
were, with many pale-yellow ribs. The whole plant, in shape, 
is [68] like Semper vivum, but far less ; being not above a 
handful high ; with one slender stalk, adorned with small, 
pale-yellow flowers, like the other pirola. It groweth not 
everywhere, but in some certain small spots overgrown with 

reason why as good wine may not be made in those parts, as well as Bordeaux in France ; 
being under the same degree." — New-Eng. Prospect, chap. v. "Vines," says Mr. 
Graves (in New-Eng. Plantation, Hist. Coll., vol. i. p. 124) "doe grow here, plentifully 
laden with the biggest grapes that ever I saw. Some I have seene foure inches about." 
— "Our Governour," adds Higginson, "hath already planted a vineyard, with great 
hope of encrease." — New-England's Plantation, I.e., p. 119. Vitis Labruscn, L. (fox- 
grape), — for some principal varieties of which, see Emerson, I. c, p. 468, — furnished, 
probably, most of the sorts known favorably to the first settlers ; but V. aestivalis, Michx. 
(summer grape), also occurs on our seaboard. 

8 Pyrola, L., emend. (Gerard, p. 408). All but one of our species are common also 
to Europe. 



moss, close by swamps, and shady. They are green both 
summer and winter. 4 

For Wounds. 

They are excellent wound-herbs ; but this I judge to be the 
better by far. Probatum est. 

This plant was brought to me by a neighbour, who, wander- 
ing in the woods to find out his strayed cattle, lost himself 
[69] for two dayes ; being, as he ghessed, eight or ten miles 
from the seaside. The root was pretty thick, and black ; hav- 
ing a number of small black strings growing from it : the 
stalks of the leaves about a handful long. The leaves were 
round, and as big as a silver five-shilling piece ; of a sap or 
dark-green colour ; with a line, or ribb, as black as jeat, round 
the circumference ; from whence came black lines, or ribs, at 
equal distance, — all of them meeting in a black spot in the 
center. 5 If I had staid longer in the country, I should have 

* Goodyern pubescens (Willd.), R. Br., is plainly meant by the author; and the com- 
mon name of the plant — rattlesnake plantain — still preserves the memory of its 
supposed virtues as a wound-herb. It seems, by the next page, that Josselyn tried to 
carry living specimens to England; but they "perished at sea." The putting this 
among the Pyrolm (as if by some confusion of Goodyera with Chimophila maculuta) was 
a bad mistake. 

5 See p. 55; where the author refers to his figures of two kinds of " Pyrola," of 
which this must be one. The Voyages (p. 202) also make mention of an adventure 


purposely made a journey into those parts where it was ga- 
thered, to discover, if possible, the stalk and flower. But now 
I shall refer it to those that are younger, and better able to 
undergo the pains and trouble of finding it out : for I under- 
stood by the natives, that it is not common, — that is, every- 
where to be found, — no more than the embroydered pirola ; 
which also is a most elegant plant, and which I did endeavour 
to bring over ; but it perished at sea. 

For Wounds. 

Clowne's all-heal of New England is another wound-herb 
not inferiour to [70] ours, but rather beyond it. Some of our 
English practitioners take it for vervene, and use it for the 
same ; wherein they are grossly mistaken. 

The leaf is like a nettle-leaf, but narrower and longer ; 
the stalk about the bigness of a nettle-stalk, — champhered 
and hollow, and of a dusky-red colour. The flowers are blew, 
small, and many, — growing in spoky tufts at the top, — and 
are not hooded, but having only four round leaves ; after 
which followeth an infinite of small, longish, light-brown 
seed. The roots are knotty, and matted together with an 
infinite number of small white strings. The whole plant is 
commonly two cubits high ; bitter in taste, with a rosenie 

of a neighbor of Josselyn's, who, " rashly wandering out after some stray'd cattle, lost 
his way; and coming, as we conceived by his Relation, near to the head-spring of some 
of the branches of Black-Point River or Saco River, light into a tract of land, for God 
knows how many miles, full of delfes and dingles and dangerous precipices, rocks, and 
inextricable difficulties, which did justly daunt, yea, quite deter him from endeavour- 
ing to pass any further." And this account may quite possibly relate to the same 
occasion of our author's getting acquainted with his " elegant plant." Plukenet 
(Amalth., p. 94; Phytogr., tab. 287, f. 5) mistakenly refers Josselyn's "sufficiently 
unhappy figure" to his Filix Bemionilis dicta Maderensis; which is Adianlum reni- 
forme, L. 

6 "There is a plant, likewise, — called, for want of a name, clowne's wound-wort, 
by the English: though it be not the same, — that will heal a green wound in 24 hours, 
if a wise man have the ordering of it." — Voyages, p. 60. Verbena hastata, L. (blue 



This plant is one of the first that springs up, after white 
hellibore, in the like wet and black grounds, commonly by hel- 
libore ; with a sheath, or hood, like dragons : but the pestle 


vervain), is perhaps, notwithstanding; the author's disclaimer, what he had in view. 
This is certainly different from the common, once officinal, vervain of Europe ( V. offici- 
nalis, L.), — on the virtues of which, as a wound-herb, see Gerard, p. 718; but yet more 
so from true clown's all-heal (Gerard, p. 1005), which is Stacliys palustris, L. As to 
other medicinal properties of our vervains, compare Cutler, I. c, p. 405, — where they 
are said to have been used by the surgeons of our army in the Revolutionary War, — 
and Wood and Bache, Dispeus., p. 1403. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 207 

is of another shape ; that is, having a round purple ball on the 
top of it, beset (as it were) with burs. The hood shoots forth 
immediately from the root, before any leaf appears ; having a 
green [72] sprig growing fast by it, like the smaller horse-tayl. 
About the latter end of April, the hood and sprig Avither 
away ; and there comes forth in the room a bud, like the 
bud of the walnut-tree, but bigger. The top of it is of a 
pale-green colour ; covered with brown skins, like an onion ; 
white underneath the leaves, which spread, in time, out of 
the bud, grow from the root with a stalk a foot long, and are 
as big as the great burdock-leaves, and of the colour. The 
roots are many, and of the bigness of the steel of a tobacco- 
pipe, and very white. The whole plant sents as strong as a 
fox. It continues till August. 7 

[74] (4.) 

This plant the humming-bird feedeth upon. It groweth 
likewise in wet grounds, and is not at its full growth till July; 
and then it is two cubits high, and better. The leaves are 
thin, and of a pale-green colour ; some of them as big as a 
nettle-leaf. It spreads into many branches, — knotty at the 
setting-on, and of a purple colour, and garnished on the top 
with many hollow, dangling flowers, of a bright-yellow colour ; 
speckled with a deeper yellow, as it were shadowed. The 

" Symphcarpus fcsAidus (L.) Salisb. (skunk-cabbage). Our author's appears to be 
the first figure and account of this curious plant, which he rightly places among such 
"as are proper to the country, and have no name." Cutler's description, in 1785 (Ac- 
count of Indig. Veg., I.e., pp. 407-9), — which is followed by the remark, that "the 
fructification so essentially differs from all the genera of this order, it must undoubt- 
edly be considered as a new genus," — was the next contribution of importance, and so 
continued till Dr. Bigelow's elaborate history ; — Amer. Med. Bol., vol. ii. p. 41, pi. xxi v. 
Josselyn's "sprig" of a horse-tail might perhaps be added to his Filices, at p. 47, 
note 2, 3. 



[73] A Branch of the Hcmming-Bird Tree. 

stalkes are as hollow as a kix ; and so are the roots, which are 
transparent, very tender, and full of a yellowish juice. 8 

8 Impatieiis fulca, Nutt. (touch-me-not; balsam). Wilson says this plant "is the 
greatest favorite with the humming-bird of all our other flowers. In some places where 
these plants abound, you may see at one time ten or twelve humming-birds dart- 
ing about, and fighting with and pursuing each other." — Amer. OmiihoL, by Brewer, 
p. 120. As to Josselyn's note on its use in medicine by the Indians, compare Wood 
and Bache, Di.^p., p. 1345. A kix, or kex, or kexy, — used in the expression, "hollow 

xew-exglaxd's rarities discovered. 209 

For Bruises and Aches upon stroaks. 

The Indians make use of it for aches ; being bruised be- 
tween two stones, and laid to, cold. But, made (after the 
English manner) into an unguent, with hog's grease, there is 
not a more soveraign remedy for bruises, of what kind soever ; 
and for aches upon stroaks. 

In August, 1670, in a swamp amongst alders, I found a sort 
of tree sow-thistle ; the stalks of some, two or three inches 
[75] about ; as hollow as a kix, and very brittle. The leaves 
were smooth, and, in shape, like Sonchus Icevis, — that is, 
hare's-lettice, — but longer; some about a foot. These grow 
at a distance one from another, almost to the top ; where it 
begins to put forth flowers between the leaves and the stalk. 
The top of the stalk runs out into a spike, beset about with 
flowers like sow-thistle, of a blew or azure colour. I brought 
home one of the plants, which was between twelve and thir- 
teen foot in length. I wondered at it the more, for that so 
large and tall a plant should grow from so small a root, con- 
sisting of slender, white strings, little bigger than bents, and 
not many of them, and none above a finger long, spreading 
under the upper crust of the earth. The whole plant is full 
of milk, and of a strong savour. 9 

as a kix," — i3 a provincialism, in various parts of England, for hemlock; "the dry, 
hollow stalks of hemlock" (whence Webster's query, — Fr., cique ; Lat., cicuta); and 
al-o of cow-parsley, according to Holloway (Diet, of Provincialisms): that is to say, 
secondarily, any hollow-stemmed plant like hemlock. Gerard's figure of Impatiens 
rt'Ji langere, L., the European balsam, — of which the earlier botanists considered our 
species to be varieties, — is so poor, and the plant so rare in Britain, that it is perhaps 
little wonder that our author took the showy American balsam to be quite new. 

9 Mulfjedium hucophceum, DC. (Gray, Manual, p. 241). This fine plant is peculiar 
to America. 





This plant I found in a gloomy, dry wood, under an oak, 
1670, the 18th of August. Afterwards I found it in open 
champain grounds, but yet somewhat scarce. The root 
is about the bigness of a French walnut. The bark thereof is 

[76] The Plant when it springs cp first. 

brown and rugged ; within, of a yellowish colour : from whence 
ariseth a slender stalk, no bigger than an oat-straw ; about 
two cubits in height. Somewhat better than a handful above 
the root shooteth out one leaf, of a grass-green colour ; and, 
an inch or two above that, another leaf; and so four or five, 
at a greater distance one from another, till they come within 
a handful of the top, where, upon slender foot-stalks, grow 
the flowers, — four or five, more or fewer, — clustering to- 
gether in pale, long, green husks, milk-white ; consisting of 
ten small leaves, snipt a little on the edges ; with purple hair 
threads in the midst. The whole plant is of a brakish tast. 
When it is at its full growth, the stalks are as red as blood. 1 

1 Nabalus albus (L.) Hook, (snake-weed): the genus peculiar to America. 

nevv-england's rarities discovered. 


[77] The Figure of the Plant, when it is at Full Growth. 

[79] (6.) 
This plant flowers in August, and grows in wet ground. It 
is about three or four foot in height ; having a square, slen- 
der stalk, chamfered, hollow, and tuff. The leaves grow at 
certain distances, one against another ; of the colour of egri- 
mony leaves ; sharpe-pointed ; broadest in the midst about 
an inch and half, and three or four inches in length ; snipt 
about the edges, like a nettle-leaf; at the top of the stalk, for 
four or five inches, thick-set with pale-green husks, out of 
which the flowers grow ; consisting of one leaf, shaped like 
the head of a serpent, opening at the top like a mouth, and 
hollow throughout, containing four crooked pointels ; and, on 
the top of every pointel, a small, glistering, green button, 
covered with a little white, woolly matter, by which they are, 



with the pointels, fastened close together, and shore up the 
tip of the upper chap. The crooked pointels are very stiff 
and hard from the bottom of the husks, wherein the flower 
stands. From the top of the seed-vessel shoots out a white 
thread, which runs in at the bottom of the flower, and so [80] 
out at the mouth. The whole flower is milk-white ; the inside 
of the chaps reddish. . The root I did not observe. 2 


2 Chelone glabra, L. (snake-head). Plukenet quotes this figure under Digitalis Ver- 
besince fuliis, &c. (Atnalth., p. 71; Mant., p. 64); which is referred by Linnoeus to 
Gerardia pedicularis, L. Plukenet has himself figured our plant, and but little better 
than Josselyn, in Phytogr., t. 348, fig. 3. The genus is peculiar to America. 

nbw-england's rarities discovered. 


[81] (7.) 
This plant I take for a variegated Herb Paris (true-love or 
one-berry, or rather one-flower), which is milk-white, and made 
up with four leaves, with many black threads in the middle. 
Upon every thread grows a berry (when the leaves of the 
flower are fallen), as big as a white pease, of a light-red col- 
our when they are ripe, and clustering together in a round 
form as big as a pullet's egg, which at distance shows but as 
one berry ; very pleasant in taste, and not unwholesome. The 
root, leaf, and flower differ not from our English kind ; and 
their time of blooming and ripening agree ; and therefore, 
doubtless, a kind of Herba Paris? 

8 Upon this figure, Plukenet founds his Solanum quadrifolium Nov' Anglicanum, flore 
lactefj polycoceum (Amalth., p. 195); clearly taking the plant, as Josselyn did, for "a 



[82] The small Sunflower, or Marygold, of America. 

[84] (8.) 

This plant is taken by our simplists to be a kind of golden- 
rod ; by others, for Sarazens Consound. I judge it to be a 

kind of Herba Paris" (Paris quadrifolia, L.), which is Solarium quadrifolium bacciferum 
of Bauhin (Pin., p. 167, cit. L.). The plant is doubtless Cornus Canadensis, L. (dwarf- 
cornel; bunch-berry); and it certainly resembles the figure of Herb Paris, given by 
Gerard (p. 405), much more than that of Cornus suecica, L. (European dwarf-cornel, 
p. 1296), — a shrub ill understood by the old botanists. 

new-exgland's rarities discovered. 



kind of small sun-flower, or marygold of the West Indies. 
The root is brown and slender, a foot and half in length, run- 
ning a slope under the upper face of the earth ; with some 
strings here and there : the stalk as big as the steal of a to- 
bacco-pipe ; full of pith ; commonly brownish, sometimes pur- 
ple ; three or four foot high. The leaves grow at a distance 
one against another; rough; hard; green above, and gray 
underneath ; slightly snipt ; and the ribs appear most on the 
back side of the leaf. The flower is of a bright yellow, with 


little yellow cups in the midst, as in the marygold of Peru ; 
with black threads in them, with yellow pointels. The flower 
spreads itself abroad out of a cup made up of many green 
beards, not unlike a thistle. Within a handful of the top of 
the stalk, when the flower is fallen, growes an excrense, or 
knob, as big as a walnut ; which, being broken, yieldeth a 
kind of turpentine, or rather rosen. 4 

[85] What Cutchenele is. 

The stalk beneath and above the knob covered with a mul- 
titude of small bugs, about the bigness of a great flea ; which 
I presume will make good cutchenele, • — ordered, as they 
should be, before they come to have wings. They make a 
perfect scarlet colour to paint with, and durable. 

4. Of such Plants as have sprung up since the English jjlanted 
and kejjt Cattle in New England. 5 
Couch-grass. 6 
Shepherd's-purse. 7 
Dandelion. 8 

4 Helianthus, L., sp. (sun-flower); a genus peculiar to America. The species is 
perhaps //. slrumosus, I.. (Gray, Man., p. 218). — See p. 56 of this book; note. 

5 The importance of this list has been already spoken of. Its value depends on its 
having been drawn up by a person of familiarity with some of the botanical writers 
of his day, as part of a botanical treatise; and the (in this case) not unfair presumption 
that the names cited are meant to be accurate. Mr. A. De Candolle ( Geogr. Botaruque, 
-vol. ii. p. 746) appears to be unacquainted with any authority for the naturalized plants 
of. the Northern States earlier than the first edition of the Florula of Dr. Bigelow, in 
1814. The treatise of Cutler extends this limit to 1785; and that of Josselyn, so far 
as it goes, to 1672. 

6 Doubtful. Gerard's couch-grass, p. 23, appears to be Holcus mollis, L., — "the 
true couch-grass of sandy soils" in England; and English agricultural writers reckon 
yet other grasses of this name, beside the well-known Triticum repens, L. 

1 Gerard, p. 276, — CapseMa Bursa P.astoris (L.), Moench. "Cornfields, and about 
barns," — Culler (1785), I. c. Naturalized. 

8 Gerard, p. 290, — Taraxacum Bens Leonis, Desf. ; looked, to our author, like a new- 
comer. Dr. Gray (Man., p. 239; and comp. Torr. and Gray, Fl., vol. ii. p. 494) regards 
it as " probably indigenous in the north," but only naturalized in other regions. " Grass- 
land," — Cutler (1785), I.e. 


Groundsel. 9 

Sow-thistle. 1 

Wild arrach. 2 

Night-shade, with the white flower. 3 

Nettles stinging, which was the first plant taken notice 
of. 4 

Mallowes. 5 

[86] Plantain, which the Indians call Englishman's foot; as 
though produced by their treading. 6 

9 Gerard, p. 278, — Senecio vulgaris, L.; one of the adventire naturalized plants, as 
defined by Mr. De Candolle (I. c, vol. ii. p. 688; and Gray, Man. Bot., pref., p. viii.), 
according to the evidence of Dr. Darlington (Fl. Cestr., p. 152), and Gray, I. c. But it 
has long been a common weed in eastern New England; and may possibly have had, 
here and there, a continuous existence from the first settlement. 

1 Sonchus, L. S. oleraceus, L., as understood by Linnaeus, was no doubt intended : 
but this is now taken to include two species, both recognized in this country (Gray, 
I.e., p. 241); between which there is no evidence to authorize a decision. 

2 The genera Chenopodium, L., and Airiplex, L., were much confused in Josselyn's 
day; and his wild orach may belong to either. Gerard's wild orach is in part Airiplex 
patula, L. (p. 326); but the first species to which he gives this name (p. 325) is Cheno- 
podium polyspermum, L. The latter is a rare, adoentive member of our Flora (Gray, I. c, 
p. 363); and the former is, according to Bigelow (Fl. Bost., ed. 3, p. 401), the well- 
known orach of our salt-marshes: but Dr. Gray now refers this (Man., p. 365) to the 
nearly allied A. haslata, L. This plant, in either case, is reckoned truly common to 
both continents. It is possible that Josselyn intended it. 

3 Garden nightshade (Gerard, p. 339); Solanum nigrum, L. " Common among rub- 
bish," — Cutler (1785), I. c. Naturalized. 

4 Common stinging-nettle, or great nettle (Gerard, p. 706), — Urlica dioica, L. 

5 Field-mallow (Gerard, p. 930), Malva sylveslris, L., and wild dwarf-mallow (ibid.), 
M. rolundifolia, L., are the only sorts likely to have been in view. The latter was, I 
doubt not, intended ; and the former, adventire only with us, may also have occurred at 
any period after the settlement. 

6 " It is but one sort, and that is broad-leaved plantain " (Josselyn's Voyages, p. 188). 
Broad-leaved plantain ( Gerard, p. 419), — Plantago major, L. ; one of the most anciently 
and widely known of plants, and inhabiting, at present, all the great divisions of the 
earth. An account, similar to our author's, of the name given to it by the American 
savages, is found in Kalm's Travels. " Mr. Bartram had found this plant in many 
places on his travels; but he did not know whether it was an original American plant, 
or whether the Europeans had brought it over. This doubt had its rise from the sav- 
ages (who always had an extensive knowledge of the plants of the country) pretending 
that this plant never grew here before the arrival of the Europeans. They therefore 
gave it a name which signifies the Englishman's foot; for they say, that, where a 
European had walked, there this plant grew in his footsteps." — Kalm's Travels into 
North America, by Forster, vol. i. p. 92. But Dr. Pickering considers it possible, that, 
in Northrwest America at least, the plantain was introduced by the aborigines (Races 
of Man, pp. 317, 320): and, uncertain as this is admitted to be, the old vulgar names of 



Black henbane. 7 
Wormwood. 8 
Sharp-pointed dock. 9 
Patience. 1 
Bloodwort. 2 

the plant in Northern languages — as Wegerieh and Wegetritt of the German, Weegblad 
and Weegbree of the Dutch, Veibred of the Danish, and Weybred of old English, all 
pointing to the plantain's growing on ways trodden by man — suggest, perhaps, a far 
older supposed relation between this plant and the human foot than that mentioned 
above; and thus favor the derivation of the original Latin name (as old as Pliny, H. N., 
vol. xxxv. § 539) from plania, the sole of the foot, — whether because the plantain is 
always trodden on, or, taking the termination go in planlago, as some philologists take 
it, to signify likeness (as doubtless in lappago, mollugo, asperugo; but this signification 
does not appear so clear in some other words with the like ending), because its leaves 
resemble the sole of the foot in flatness, breadth, marking, and so on. The possible 
derivation from planta, a plant, "per excellentiam, quasi planlam p7-a;slantissimani" 
(Tournef., Inst., vol. i. p. 128), though less open to question than that of Linnasus 
("planta tangenda," Phil. Bot., § 234), is certainly less significant than the other; 
which, with the statements (independent, so far as appears, of each other) of Josse- 
lyn and Kalm, if these may be relied on, seems to point to a very ancient co-incidence 
of thought, not unworthy of attention. Something else of the same sort is to be found 
in R. Williams, where he says (Key, I. c, p. 218) that the Massachusetts Indians called 
the constellation of the Great Bear mask, or pawkunnawaw ; that is, the bear. 

7 Gerard, p. 353, — Hyoscyamus niger, L. Advenlive only: having "escaped from 
gardens to roadsides," according to Dr. Gray (Man., p. 340); but "common amongst 
rubbish and by roadsides" in 1785 (Cutler, I. c), and perhaps long naturalized on the 
coasts of Massachusetts Bay. 

8 Broad-leaved wormwood, " our common and best-knowne wormwood" (Gerard, 
p. 1096), — Artemisia absynthium, L. " Roadsides and amongst rubbish," 1785, — Cutler, 
I. e. Omitted by Bigelow, and not very frequent. 

9 Gerard, p. 388. If this is to be taken for Eumex acutus, Sm. (Fl. Brit.), which 
seems not to be certain, it is now referable to R. conglomeratus, Murr., which is "spar- 
ingly introduced " with us, according to Gray (Man., p. 377). But it is more likely that 
Josselyn had R. crispus, L. (curled dock), in view: which is, I suppose, the '• varietie " 
of sharp-pointed dock, "with crisped or curled leaves," of Johnson's Gerard, p. 387; 
and is the only mention of the species by those authors. 

1 Gerard, p. 389, — Rumex Patientia, L. This and the next were garden pot-herbs 
of^j'epute: and, at p. 90, our author brings them in again as such; telling us that 
bloodwort grows " but sorrily," but patience " very pleasantly." This may very likely 
have crept out of some garden: but the great water-dock [R. Bydrolapaihum, Huds.) 
is, says Gerard, "not unlike to the garden patience" (p. 390); and Dr. Gray says the 
same of the American variety of the former. — Man., p. 377. 

2 Gerard, p. 390, — Rumex sanguineus, L., "sown for a pot-herb in most gardens" 
(Gerard); and so our author, p. 90. Linnajus took it to be originally American: but 
it is common in Europe; and Dr. Gray marks the American plant as naturalized. Dr. 
Torrey indicated the species as occurring about New York in 1819 (Catal. PI., N.Y.); 
but New-England botanists do not appear to have recognized it. Josselyn's plant was 
perhaps the offcast of some garden. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 219 

And, I suspect, adder's-tongue. 3 

Knot-grass. 4 

Cheek-weed. 5 

Compherie, with the white flower. 6 

May-weed ; excellent for the mother. Some of our English 
housewives call it iron-wort, and make a good unguent for old 

The great clot-bur. 8 

Mullin, with the white flower. 9 

Q. "What became of the influence of those planets that pro- 
duce and govern these plants before this time ? 

I have now done with such plants as grow wild in the 
country in great plenty, although I have not mentioned all. 

3 Gerard, p. 404. — Compare p. 42 of this ; where our author more correctly reckons 
it among plants truly common to Europe and America. 

4 " Common knot-grasse" (Gerard, p. 565), — Polygonum aviculare, L. Common to 
all the great divisions of the earth, and reckoned indigenous in America. — De Cand., 
Geogr. Bot., vol. i. p. 577; Gray, Man., p. 373. 

5 There are many chickweeds in Gerard; but that most likely to have been in the 
author's view here is the universally known common chick weed, — the middle or small 
chickweed of Gerard, p. 611. This was " common in gardens and rich cultivated 
ground " in 1785. — Cutler, I. c. Few plants have spread so widely over the earth as 
Stellaria media. 

6 Great comfrey (Gerard, p. 806), — Symphytum officinale, L.: also in the list of 
garden herbs at p. 90. "Sometimes found growing wild," — Cutler (1785), I. c. Not 
admitted by Dr. Bigelow (Fl. Bost.), but included by Dr. Gray as an adoenlioe. — Man., 
•p. 320. 

1 Gerard, p. 757, — Maruta colula (L.), DC; a naturalized member of our Flora, 
now become a very common ornament of roadsides; where Cutler notices it, also, in 

8 "Great burre-docke, or clott-burre " (Gerard, p. 809), — Lappa major, Gaertn. 
"About barns," — Cutler (1785), I.e. 

9 "White-floured mullein" (Gerard, p. 773), — perhaps Verbascum Lychnitis, L. ; 
which is adventive in some parts of the United States (Gray, Man., p. 283), but is not 
otherwise known to have made its appearance in New England. Great mullein ( V. 
Thop/sus L.) was "common" in Cutler's time. The moth-mullein (V. Blattaria, L.) 
he only knew " by roadsides in Lynn " (/. c, p. 419). Other plants referable to this list 
of naturalized weeds are " wild sorrel," p. 42; Polygonum Persicaria, p. 43; St. John's 
wort, speedwell, chickweed, male fluellin, catmint, and clot-bur, p. 44; yarrow, and 
oak of Jerusalem, p. 46; pimpernel, and toadflax, p. 48; and wild purslain, and woad- 
waxen, p. 51. See also spearmint, and ground-ivy, p. 89; and elecampane, celandine, 
and tansy, p. 90. 


I shall now, in the fifth place, give you to under [87] stand 
what English herbs we have growing in our gardens, that 
prosper there as well as in their proper soil ; and of such as 
do not ; and also of such as will not grow there at all. 

5. Of such Garden-Herbs amongst us as do tlirive there, and of 
such as do not} 

Cabbidge growes there exceeding well. 

1 The earliest, almost the only account that we have of the gardens of our fathers, 
after they had settled themselves in their New England, and had tamed its rugged 
coasts to obedience to English husbandry. What with their gai'den beans, and Indian 
beans, and pease ("as good as ever I eat in England," says Higginson in 1629); their 
beets, parsnips, turnips, and carrots ("our turnips, parsnips, and carrots are both bigger 
and sweeter than is ordinary to be found in England," says the same reverend writer); 
their cabbages and asparagus, — both thriving, we are told, exceedingly; their radishes 
and lettuce; their sorrel, parsley, chervil, and marigold, for pot-herbs; and their sage, 
thyme, savory of both kinds, clary, anise, fennel, coriander, spearmint, and pennyroyal, 
for sweet herbs, — not to mention the Indian pompions and melons and squanter- 
squashes, "and other odde fruits of the country," — the first-named of which had got to 
be so well approved among the settlers, when Josselyn wrote in 1672, that what he calls 
" the ancient New-England standing dish" (we may well call it so now!) was made of 
them ; and, finally, their pleasant, familiar flowers, lavender-cotton and hollyhocks and 
satin ("we call this herbe, in Norfolke, sattin," says Gerard; "and, among our women, 
it is called honestie") and gillyflowers, which meant pinks as well, and dear English 
roses, and eglantine, — yes, possibly, hedges of eglantine (p. 90, note), — surely the gar- 
dens of New England, fifty years after the settlement of the country, were as well 
stocked as they were a hundred and fifty years after. Nor were the first planters long 
behindhand in fruit. Even at his first visit, in 1639, our author was treated with "half 
a score very fair pippins," from the Governor's Island in Boston Harbor; though there 
was then, he says (Voyages, p. 29), " not one apple tree nor pear planted yet in no part 
of the countrey but upon that island." But he has a much better account to give in 
1671 : " The quinces, cherries, damsons, set the dames a work. Marmalad and pre- 
served damsons is to be met with in every house. Our fruit-trees prosper abundantly, 
— apple-trees, pear-trees, quince-trees, cherry-trees, plum-trees, barberry-trees. I have 
observed, with admiration, that the kernels sown, or the succors planted, produce as 
fair and good fruit, without grafting, as the tree from whence they were taken. The 
countrey is replenished with fair and large orchards. It was affirmed by one Mr. Wool- 
cut (a magistrate in Connecticut Colony), at the Captain's messe (of which I was), 
aboard the ship I came home in, that he made five hundred hogsheads of syder out of 
his own orchard in one year." — Voyages, p. 189-90. Our barberry-bushes,, now so 
familiar inhabitants of the hedgerows of Eastern New England, should seem from this 
to have come, with the eglantines, from the gardens of the first settlers. Barberries 
"are planted in most of our English gardens," says Gerard. 

NEW-ENGLAND'S rarities discovered. 221 

' Sorrel. 
Mary gold. 
French mallowes. 
"Winter savory. 
Summer savory. 

Parsnips, of a prodigious size. 
Red beetes. 
[88] Radishes. 
Purslain. 2 
Wheat. 3 


Barley, which commonly degenerates into oats. 


Pease of all sorts, and the best in the world. I never heard 
of, nor did see in eight years' time, one worm-eaten pea. 

Garden beans. 4 

Naked oats 5 (there called silpee) ; an excellent grain, used 
instead of oat-meal. They dry it in an oven, or in a pan upon 
the fire ; then beat it small in a morter. 

2 Portulaca oleracea, L. ; (5. saliva, L. (garden purslain). The wild variety is also 
reckoned by our author, in his list of plants, common to us and the Old World (p. 51). 

3 See Josselyn's Voyages, p. 188. 

* Vicia Faba, Willd., of which the Windsor bean is a variety. The author compares 
it, at p. 56, with kidney-beans (Phaseolus vulgaris, L.), called Indian beans by the first 
settlers, who had them from the savages, to the advantage of the last-mentioned sort; 
■which probably soon drove the other out of our gardens. — Compare Cobbett's Ameri- 
can Gardener, p. 105. 

5 Gerard, p. 75, — Avena nwhi, L. ; derived from common oats (A. saliva, L.) accord- 
ing to Link; and also (in Gerard's time, and even later) in cultivation. It was called 
pillcorn, or peelcorn, because the grains, when ripe, drop naked from the husks. But 


Another standing Dish in New England. 

And, when the milk is ready to boil, they put into a pottle 
of milk about ten or twelve spoonfuls of this meal : so boil it 
leasurely ; stirring of it, every foot, least it burn too. When 
it is almost boiled enough, they hang the kettle up higher, 
and let it stew only. In short time, it will thicken like a cus- 
tard. They season it [89] with a little sugar and spice, and 
so serve it to the table in deep basons ; and it is altogether 
as good as a white-pot. 

For People weakened with long Sickness. 

It exceedingly nourisheth and strengthens people weak- 
ened with long sickness. 

Sometimes they make water-gruel with it ; and sometimes 
thicken their flesh-broth either with this, or homminey, if it 
be for servants. 

Spear-mint. 6 

Rew will hardly grow. 

Fetherfew prospereth exceedingly. 

Southern wood is no plant for this country ; nor 

Rosemary ; nor 

Bayes. 7 

is it not possible that our author's Si/pee (comparable with apee, a leaf; toopee, a root; 
ahpee, a bow, in the Micmac language, — Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vi., pp. 20, 24) was really 
the American name of the well-known water-oats, or Canada rice, — Zizania aqua- 
lica, L.; the deciduous grains of which are said to afford " a very good meal" (Loudon, 
Enevcl., p. 788), with the qualities of rice ? — See Bigel., Fl. host., edit. 3, p. 369. This 
has long been used by our savages; but I have not met with any mention of it in the 
early writers. The "standing dish in New England" has its interest, if it were really 
made of Canada rice. 

6 Gerard, p. 680, — Mentha viridls, L. It perhaps soon became naturalized. "In 
moist ground" (1785). — Cutler, I. c. 

1 Perhaps only an inference of the author's, from the southern origin of these three 
shrubs. Lavender also belongs naturally to a warmer climate. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 223 

White satteri groweth pretty well ; so doth 

Lavender-cotton. 8 But 

Lavender is not for the climate. 



Ground-ivy, or ale-hoof. 9 

Gilly-flowers will continue two years. 1 

[90] Fennel must be taken up, and kept in a warm cellar 
all winter. 

Housleek prospereth notably. 


Enula Camjpagna. In two years' time, the roots rot. 2 

Comferie, with white flowers. 

Coriander and 

Dill and 

Annis thrive exceedingly ; but annis-seed, as also the seed 
of fennel, seldom come to maturity. The seed of annis is 
commonly eaten with a fly. 

Clary never lasts but one summer. The roots rot with the 

Sparagus thrives exceedingly ; so does 

Garden-sorrel, and 

Sweet-bryer, or eglantine. 8 

8 Gerard, p. 1109, — Santolina Chamce Cyparissus, L. 

9 Gerard, p. 856. — Glechoma hederacea, L.; once of great medicinal repute: which 
accounts for our author's finding it, as it should seem, among garden-herbs. It has 
become naturalized and very familiar in New England. Cutler finds it wild in 1785. 
Mr. Bentham refers it to Nepeta, but substitutes a new specific name for that given 
by Linnaeus, which is based on the ancient names, and has at least the right of 

1 " Gilliflowers thrive exceedingly there, and are very large. The collibuy, or 
humming-bird, is much pleased with them." — Josselyn's Voyages, p. 188. 

2 Elecampane (Gerard, p. 793), — Inula Helenium, L. "Roadsides" (1785), — Cul- 
ler, I. c; and now extensively naturalized in New England. 

3 Gerard, p. 1272, — Rosa rubiginosa, L. ; and R. micranlha, Sm. Since naturalized, 
especially in Eastern New England, and not uncommon on roadsides and in pastures. 
First indicated as a member of our Flora by Bigelow in 1824. — Fl. BosL, in he. 
" Eglantine, or sweet-bryer, is best sowen with juniper-berries, — two or three to one 


Bloodwort but sorrily ; but 

Patience 4 and 

English roses very pleasantly. 5 

Celandine (by the west-countrymen called kenningwort) 
grows but slowly. 6 

Muschata, as well as in England. 

Dittander, or pepperwort, flourisheth notably ; and so doth 

Tansie. 7 

Musk-mellons are better than our English, and 

[91] Cucumbers. 

Pompions there be of several kinds ; some proper to the 
country. 8 They are dryer than our English pompions, and 
better tasted. You may eat them green. 

eglantine-berry, put into a hole made with a stick. The next year, separate and re- 
move them to your banks. In three years' time, they will make a hedge as high as a 
man; which you may keep thick and handsome with cutting." — Josselyn's Voyages, 
p. 188. And what next goes before seems to show that the author picked up this infor- 
mation here; which is not uninteresting. 
« See p. 86. 

5 Brier-rose, or hep-tree (Gerard, p. 1270); "also called Rosa canina, which is a 
plant so common and well knowne, that it were to small purpose to use many words 
in the description thereof: for even children with great delight eat the berries thereof, 
when they be ripe, — make chaines and other prettie gewgawes of the fruit; cookes 
and gentlewomen make tarts, and such like dishes, for pleasure thereof," &c. (Gerard, 
I.e.). Rosa canina, L ., was once the collective name of what are now understood as many 
distinct species; but that which still retains the name of dog-rose is reckoned the finest 
of native English roses. This familiar plant may well have been reared with tender 
interest in some New-England gardens of Josselyn's day; but it did not make a new 
home here, like the eglantine. Cutler gives the name of dog-rose to the Carolina rose, — 
R. Carolina, L., — which it has not kept; and he also makes it equivalent to the offici- 
nal R. canina. Our Flora will possibly one day include one or two other garden-roses. 
A damask rose is well established and spreading rapidly in mowing-land of the writer's, 
and elsewhere on roadsides of this county; and that general favorite, the cinnamon- 
rose, which is now naturalized in England, may yet become wild with us. 

6 Great celandine (Gerard, p. 1069), as the west-country name of kenning-wort — 
that is, sight-wort — makes manifest; the juice being once thought to be ''good to 
sharpen the sight," — Chdldonlum majus, L. Small celandine (Ranunculus Ficaria, L.) 
was quite another thing. The former had got to be "common by fences and amongst 
rubbish" in 1785 (Cutler, I. c), and is now naturalized in Eastern New England. 

' Gerard, p. 650, — Tanacelum vulgare, L. In "pastures" (1785). — Culler, I. c. 
Now widely naturalized in New England. 

8 See p. 57, note. "The ancient New-England standing dish" was doubtless far 
better than Gerard's fried pompions (p. 921), and has more than held its own. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 225 

The ancient Neic-England standing Dish. 

But the houswives' manner is to slice them when ripe, 
and cut them into dice, and so fill a pot with them of two or 
three gallons, and stew them upon a gentle fire a whole day ; 
and, as they sink, they fill again with fresh pompions, not 
putting any liquor to them ; and, when it is stew'd enough, 
it will look like bak'd apples. This they dish ; putting butter 
to it, and a little vinegar (with some spice, as ginger, &c.) ; 
which makes it tart, like an apple ; and so serve it up, to be 
eaten with fish or flesh. It provokes urin extreamly, and is 
very windy. 

[92] Sixthly and lastly, of Stones, Minerals, Metals, and 

Earths. 1 

As, first, the emrald ; which grows in flat rocks, and is very 

Rubies, which here are very watry. 

1 " For such commodities as lie under ground, I cannot, out of mine own experi- 
ence or knowledge, say much; having taken no great notice of such things: but it is 
certainly reported that there is iron-stone ; and the Indians informed us that they can 
lead us to the mountains of black-lead; and have shown us lead-ore, if our small judg- 
ment in such things does not deceive us; and though nobody dare confidently con- 
clude, yet dare they not utterly deny, but that the Spaniard's-bliss may lie hid in the 
barren mountains. Such as have coasted the country affirm that they know where to 
fetch sea-coal, if wood were scarce. There is plenty of stone, both rough and smooth, 
useful for many things; with quarries of slate, out of which they get coverings for houses; 
with good clay, whereof they make tiles and bricks and pavements for their necessary 
uses. For the country it is well watered as any land under the sun; every family, 
or every two families, having a spring of sweet water betwixt them ; which is far dif- 
ferent from the waters of England, being not so sharp, but of a fatter substance, and of 
a more jetty colour. . . . Those that drink it be as healthful, fresh, and lusty as they 
that drink beer." — Wood, New-Eng. Prospect, chap. v. " The humour and justness of" 
this writer's " account recommend him," says the editor of 1764, " to every candid 
mind." There is certainly no view of New England, as it was at its settlement, that 
surpasses Wood's in understanding, and homeborn English truth, not always without 
beauty. What he says in this place of "quarries of slate" points to a very early dis- 



I have heard a story of an Indian that found a stone, up in 
the country (by a great pond), as big as an egg, that, in a 
dark night, would give a light to read by. But I take it to 
be but a story. 

Diamond, which are very brittle, and therefore of little 

Crystal (called, by our west-countrymen, the kenning-stone), 
by Sebebug Pond, is found in considerable quantity. Not far 
from thence is a rock of crystal, called the moose-rock, be- 
cause in shape like a moose ; and 

Muscovy-glass, both white and purple, of reasonable content. 

Black-lead. 2 


[93] Bed and yellow oker. 

Terra sigilla. 



Arsnick, too much. 

Lead. 8 

covery. Higginson says, in 1629 (New-Eng. Plantation, I. c, p. 118), " Here is plenty 
of slates at the Isle of Slate in Masathulets Bay:" and there is a court order of 
July 2, 1633, granting "to Tho: Lambe, of slate in Slate Ileand, 10 poole towards the 
water-side, and 5 poole into the land, for three yeares; payeing the yearely rent of 
ijs. vjd." — Mass. Col. Bee, vol. i. p. 106. There are other later grants of the same 
island, which "lies between Bumkin Island and Weymouth River." — ■ Pemberlon, Desc. 
Host., Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. iii. p. 297. Josselyn, in his Voyages, p. 46, says that tables 
of slate could be got out (he does not tell us where), " long enough for a dozen men to 
sit at." Argillaceous slate is, according to Dr. Hitchcock, " the predominating rock 
on the outermost of these islands;" and he adds, that "there can be but little doubt 
that the peninsula of Boston has a foundation" of this rock. — Rejwrt on Geol. of Mass., 
p. 270. 

2 " Mr. John Winthrope, jun., is granted y e hill at Tantousq, about 60 miles west- 
ward, in which the black-leade is ; and liberty to purchase some land there of the In- 
dians " (13th November, 1644). — Mass. Col. Bee., vol. ii. p. 82 ; and Savage, in Winihrop, 
N. E., vol. ii. p. 213, note. The place mentioned is what is now Sturbridge; which is 
called " the most important locality " of black-lead in Massachusetts, by Dr. Hitchcock. 
— Geol, pp. 47, 395. 

3 " The mountains and rocky hills are richly furnished with mines of lead, silver, 
copper, tin, and divers sorts of minerals, branching out even to their summits; where, 
in small crannies, you may meet with threds of perfect silver: yet have the English 
no maw to open any of them ; " and so forth. — Josselyn's Voyages, p. 44. 

new-exgland's rarities discovered. 227 




Iron, in abundance ; and as good bog-iron as any in the 

Copper. It is reported that the French have a copper 
mine, at Port Royal, that yieldeth them twelve ounces of pure 
copper out of a pound of oar. * 

I shall conclude this section with a strange cure effected 
upon a drummer's wife, much afflicted with a wolf in her 
breast. The poor woman lived with her husband at a town 
called, by the Indians, Casco ; but, by the English, Famouth ; 
where, for some time, she swaged the pain of her sore by 
bathing it with strong malt-beer, which it would [94] suck in 
greedily, as if some living creature. When she could come 
by no more beer (for it was brought from Boston, along the 
coasts, by merchants), she made use of rhum, — a strong water 
drawn from sugar-canes, — with which it was lull'd asleep. 
At last, to be rid of it altogether, she put a quantity of 
arsnick to the rhum ; and, bathing of it as formerly, she utterly 
destroyed it, and cured herself. But her kind husband, who 
sucked out the poyson as the sore was healing, lost all his 
teeth, but without further danger or inconvenience. 



The star-fish, 4 having fine points like a star ; the whole fish 
no bigger than the palm of a man's hand ; of a tough sub- 
stance like leather, and about an inch in thickness ; whitish 
underneath, and of the colour of a cucumber above, and some- 
what ruff. When it is warm in one's hand, you may perceive 
a stiff motion, turning down one point, and thrusting up an- 
other. It is taken to be poysonous. They are very common, 
and found thrown up on the rocks by the seaside. 

Sea-bream, which are plentifully taken upon the seacoasts. 
Their eyes are accounted rare meat : whereupon the prover- 
bial comparison, " It is worth a sea-bream's eye." 5 

[96] Blew-fish, or horse. I did never see any of them in 
England. They are big, usually, as the salmon, and better 
meat by far. It is common in New England, and esteemed 
the best sort of fish next to rock-cod. 

Cat-fish, having a round head, and great, glaring eyes, like 
a cat. They lye, for the most part, in holes of rocks, and are 
discovered by their eyes. It is an excelling fish. 

Munk-fish, a flat-fish like scate ; having a hood like a fryer's 

Clam, or clamp ; a kind of shell-fish, — a white muscle. 

An Acliariston for Pin and Web. 

Sheath-fish, which are there very plentiful ; a delicate fish, 
as good as a prawn ; covered with a thin shell, like the sheath 
of a knife, and of the colour of a muscle. 

Which shell, calcin'd and pulveriz'd, is excellent to take off 
a pin and web, or [97] any kind of filme growing over the eye. 

4 Asterias rubens, L. — Gould, Report on Invert., p. 345. 

6 See the chapter on Fishes, p. 23, for this and the others here spoken of. 

new-england's rarities discovered. 229 

Morse, or sea-horse, having a great head ; wide jaws, armed 
with tushes as white as ivory ; of body as big as a cow, pro- 
portioned like a hog ; of brownish-bay ; smooth-skinned, and 
impenetrable. They are frequent at the Isle of Sables. Their 
teeth are worth eight groats the pound, the best ivory being 
sold but for half the money. 6 

For Poyson. 
It is very good against poyson. 

For the Cramp. 
As also for the cramp ; made into rings. 

For the Piles. 

And a secret for the piles, if a wise man have the ordering 
of it. 

The manaty, a fish as big as a wine-pipe ; most excellent 
meat ; bred in the rivers of Hispaniola, in the West Indies. 
It hath teats, and nourisheth its young ones with milk. It is 
of a green colour, and tasteth like veal. 

[98] For the Stone-collick. 

There is a stone, taken out of the head, that is rare for the 
stone and collect. 

To provoke Urine. 

Their bones, beat to a powder and drank with convenient 
liquors, is a gallant urin-provoking medicine. 

« " Numerous about the Isle of Sables; i.e., the Sandy Isle." — Voyages, p. 106. 
"Mr. Graves" (year 1635) "in the 'James,' and Mr. Hodges in the ' Rebecka,' set sail 
for the Isle of Sable for sea-horse, which are there in great number," &c. — Winthrop's 
N. E., by Savage, vol. i. p. 162. And I cite one other mention of this pursuit: "East- 
ward is the Isle of Sables; whither one John Webb, alias Evered (an active man), with 
his company, are gone, with commission from the Bay to get sea-horse teeth and oyle." 
— Lechforofs Nev;es from New England (1642), Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. iii. 3d series, p. 100. 
The Magdalen Islands, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, are the most southern habitat of 
the animal spoken of by Godman. — Amer. Nat. Hist, vol. i. p. 249. 


For Wound and Bruise. 

An Indian, whose knee was bruised with a fall, and the skin 
and flesh strip'd down to the middle of the calf of his leg, 
cured himself with water-lilly roots, boyled and stamped. 7 

For Swellings of the Foot. 

An Indian webb, her foot being very much swell'd and 
inflamed, asswaged the swelling, and took away the inflama- 
tion, with our garden, or English patience ; the roots roasted, 
— /. cataplas. Anno 1670, June 28. 

To dissolve a scirrhous Tumour. 

An Indian dissolv'd a scirrhous tumour in the arm and hip 
with a fomentation of tobacco ; applying afterwards the herb, 
stamp'd betwixt two stones. 


Now, gentle reader, having trespassed upon your patience 
a long while in the perusing of these rude observations, I 

' Compare Cutler (Account of Indig. Veg., I. c, p. 456) and Wood and Bache 
(Dispens., p. 1369). 

8 The author has something to the same effect in his Voyages, p. 124; but Wood's 
account of the Indian women (New-England's Prospect, part ii. chap, xx.) is far bet- 
ter worth reading. Both appreciated, in one way or another, their savage neighbors. 
Wood has a pleasant touch at the last. "These women," he, says, "resort often to 
the English houses, where pares cum paribus congregatw, — in sex, I mean, — they do 
somewhat ease their misery by complaining, and seldom part without a relief. If her 
husband come to seek for his squaw, and begin to bluster, the English woman betakes 
her to her arms, which are the warlike ladle and the scalding liquors, threatning blis- 
tering to the naked runaway, who is soon expelled by such liquid comminations. In 
a word, to conclude this woman's history, their love to the English hath deserved no 
small esteem; ever presenting them something that is either rare or desired, — as straw- 
berries, hurtleberries, rasberries, gooseberries, cherries, plumbs, fish, and other such 
gifts as their poor treasury yields them" (I. c). And, if Lechford's Newes from New 
England {I. c, p. 103) can be trusted, the savages became " much the kinder to their 
wives by the example of the English." 


shall, to make you amends, present yon, by way of advertise- 
ment or recreation, with a coppy of verses, made some time 
since, upon the picture of a young and handsome Gypsie, not 
improperly transferred upon the Indian squa, or female In- 
dian, trick'd up in all her bravery. 

The men are somewhat horse-fac'd, and generally faucious, 
— i.e., without beards : but the women, many of them, [100] 
have very good features ; seldome without a come-to-me, or 
cos arnoris, in their countenance ; all of them black-eyed ; hav- 
ing even, short teeth, and very white ; their hair black, thick, 
and long ; broad-breasted ; handsome, streight bodies, and 
slender, considering their constant loose habit ; their limbs 
cleanly, straight, and of a convenient stature, — generally as 
plump as partridges ; and, saving here and there one, of a 
modest deportment. 

Their garments are a pair of sleeves, of deer or moose skin 
drest, and drawn with lines of several colours into Asiatick 
works, with buskins of the same ; a short mantle of trading- 
cloath, either blew or red, fastened with a knot under the 
chin, and girt about the middle with a zone, wrought with 
white and blew beads into pretty works. Of these beads 
they have bracelets for their neck and arms, and links to hang 
in their ears ; and a fair table, curiously made up with beads 
likewise, to wear before their breast. Their hair they combe 
backward, and tye it up short with a border, about two hand- 
fulls broad, [101] wrought in works, as the other, with their 
beads. But enough of this. 



Whether white or black be best, 
Call your senses to the quest ; 
And your touch shall quickly tell, 
The black in softness doth excel, 
And in smoothness : but the ear — 
What ! can that a colour hear ? 
No ; but 'tis your black one's wit 
That doth catch and captive it. 
And, if slut and fair be one, 
Sweet and fair there can be none ; 
Nor can ought so please the tast 
As what's brown and lovely drest. 
And who'll say that that is best 
To please one sense, displease the rest? 
[102] Maugre, then, all that can be sed 
In flattery of white and red : 
Those flatterers themselves must say 
That darkness was before the day ; 
And such perfection here appears, 
It neither wind nor sunshine fears. 

xew-exglaxd's rarities discovered. 233 


Most remarkable Passages in that Part of America known to 
us by the Name of New England? 

Anno Dora. 

1492. Christ. Columbus discovered America. 

1516. The voyage of Sir Thomas Pert, Vice-Admiral of 
England, and Sir Sebastian Cabota, to Brazile, &c. 

1527. Newfoundland discovered by the English. 

1577. Sir Francis Drake began his voyage about the 

[104] 1585. Nova Albion discovered by Sir Francis Drake, 
and by him so named. 

1585, April 9. Sir Richard Greenevile was sent by Sir 
Walter Rawleigh with a fleet of seven sail to Virginia, and 
was stiled the General of Virginia. 

1586. Capt. Thomas Candish, a Suffolk gentleman, began 
his voyage round about the world, with three ships, past the 
Streights of Magellan ; burn'd and ransack'd in the entry of 
Chile, Peru, and New Spain, near the great island California, 
in the South Sea ; and returned to Plymouth with a precious 
booty, Anno Dora. 1588, September the 8th; being the third 
since Magellan that circuited the earth. 

1588. Sir Walter Rawleigh first discovered Virginia, by 
him so named in honour of our Virgin Queen. 
1595. Sir Walter Rawleigh discovered Guiana. 

9 In the author's Voyages, this chronological table is greatly extended; beginning 
with "Anno Mundi, 3720," and ending with A.D. 1674. 



[105] 1606. A collony sent to Virginia. 
1614. Bermudas planted. 

1618. The blazing star. Then Plymouth Plantation began 
in New England. 1 

1628. The Massachusets Colony planted, and Salem the 
first town therein built. 2 

1629. The first church gathered in this Colony was at 
Salem ; from which year to this present year is 43 years. 

In the compass of these years, in this Colony, there hath 
been gathered fourty churches and 120 towns built in all the 
Colonies of New England. 

The church of Christ at Plymouth was planted in New 
England eight years before others. 

1630. The Governour and assistants [106] arrived, with 
their pattent for the Massachusets. 

1630. The Lady Arabella in New England. 

1 Set right by the author in Voyages, p. 248. 

2 The author, in the " chronological observations " appended to his Voyages, en- 
larges this, but confounds Conant's Plantation at Cape Ann, and Endicott's, as follows: 
"1628. Mr. John Endicot arrived in New England with some number of people, and 
set down first by Cape Ann, at a place called afterwards Gloster; but their abiding- 
place was at Salem, where they built the first town in the Massachusets Patent. . . . 
1629. Three ships arrived at Salem, bringing a great number of passengers from Eng- 
land. . . . Mr. Endicot chosen Governour." The next year, Josselyn continues as fol- 
lows: "1630. The 10th of July, John Winthorp, Esq., and the Assistants, arrived in 
New England with the patent for the Massachusetts. . . . John Winthorp, Esq., chosen 
Governour for the remainder of the year; Mr. Thomas Dudley, Deputy-Governour; 
Mr. Simon Broadstreet, Secretary." — Voyages, p. 252. The title of Governor was 
used anciently, as it still is elsewhere, in a looser sense than has been usual in New 
England; and derived all the dignity that it had from the character and considerable- 
ness of the government. Conant and Endicott were directors or governors of settle- 
ments in the Massachusetts Bay before Winthrop's arrival ; but when the Massachusetts 
Company in London proceeded, on the 20th October, 1629, to carry into effect their 
resolution to transfer their government to this country, — and chose accordingly Win- 
throp to be their Governor; Humphrey, their Deputy-Governor; and Endicot and others, 
Assistants (Young, Chron. of Mass., p. 102), — the record appears sufficient evidence 
that they had in view something quite different from the fishing plantation which Co- 
nant had had charge of at Cape Ann, or the little society (" in all, not much above fifty 
or sixty persons," says White's Relation in Young, Chron., p. 13; which the editor, 
from Higginson's narrative, raises to "about a hundred") "of which Master Endecott 
was sent out Governour" (White, I. c.) at Naumkeak. 


1630. When the government was established, they planted 
on Noddle's Island. 3 

1631. Capt. John Smith, Governour of Virginia and Ad- 
miral of New -England, dyed. 

1631. Mr. Mavericke, minister at Dorchester in New Eng- 
land. 4 

1631. John Winthorpe, Esq., chosen the first time Gov- 
ernour. He was eleven times Governour, — some say nineteen 
times, — eleven years together ; the other years by intermis- 

1631. John "Wilson, pastor of Charles Town. 4 

[107] 1631. Sir R. Saltingstall, at Water Town, came into 
New England. 4 

1631. Mr. Rog. Harlackinden was a majestrate, and a leader 
of their military forces. 3 

Dr. Wilson gave 1000?. to New England; with which they 
stored themselves with great guns. 6 

1633. Mr. Thomas Hooker, Mr. Haynes, and Mr. John Cot- 
ton, came over together in one ship. 

1634. The country was really placed in a posture of war, 
to be in readiness at all times. 

1635. Hugh Peters went over for New England. 

1636. Connecticat Colony planted. 

[108] 1637. The Pequites' wars, in which were slain five 
or six hundred Indians. 

Ministers that have come from England, chiefly in the ten 
first years, ninety-four ; of which returned, twenty-seven ; dyed 
in the country, thirty-six : yet alive in the country, thirty-one. 

3 That is, Noddle's Island was already planted on (by Mr. Maverick) when the 
government was established. — Compare Johnson, cited by Prince, N. E. Chronol., 
edit. 2, p. 308, note. 

* The date set right in Prince, N. E. Chronol., p. 367. 

5 The date corrected in Prince, N. E. Chronol., edit. 2, p. 367. 

6 Compare Prince, p. 367, and Mass. Col. Rec, vol. i. p. 128. " The will," says Dr. 
Mather, "because it bequeathed a thousand pounds to New England, gave satisfaction 
unto our Mr. Wilson; though it was otherwise injurious to himself." — Magnolia, 
vol. iii. p. 45, cit. Davis, in Morton's Memorial, p. 334, note. 


The number of ships that transported passengers to New 
England in these times was 298 ; supposed. Men, women, 
and children, as near as can be ghessed, 21,200. 

1637. The first synod at Cambridge in New England, 
where the Antinomian and Famalistical errors were confuted. 
Eighty errors now amongst the Massachusets. 

1638. New-Haven Colony began. 

Mrs. Hutchinson and her erronious companions banished 

the Massachusets Colony. 

[109] A terrible earthquake throughout the country. 7 
Mr. John Harvard, the founder of Harvard College (at 

Cambridge in New England), deceased, gave 700?. to the 

erecting of it. 

1639. First printing at Cambridge in New England. 
1639. A very sharp winter in New England. 

1612. Harvard College founded with a publick library. 
Ministers bred in New England and (excepting about 10) 

in Harvard College, 132 : of which, dyed in the country, 10 ; 
now living, 81 ; removed to England, 11. 

1613. The first combination of the four united Colonies ; 
viz., Plymouth, Massachusets, Connecticut, and New Haven. 

[110] 1616. The second synod at Cambridge, touching 
the duty and power of majestrates in matters of religion ; 
secondly, the nature and power of synods. 

Mr. Eliot first preached to the Indians in their native lan- 

1617. Mr. Thomas Hooker died. 

1618. The third synod at Cambridge publishing the Plat- 
form of Discipline. 

1619. Mr. John Winthorpe, Governour, now died. 

This year a strange multitude of caterpillers in New Eng- 
land. 8 

7 Compare Winthrop, N.E., vol. i. p. 265; Johnson's Wonder-working Prov., lib. ii. 
c. 12, cit. Savage; and Morton's Memorial, by Davis, p. 209, and note, p. 289. 

8 Morton's Memorial, by Davis, p. 244. 


Thrice seven years after the planting of the English in 
New England, the Indians of Massachusets, being 30,000 
able men, were brought to 300. 

1651. Hugh Peters and Mr. Wells came for England. 

[Ill] 1652. Mr. John Cotton dyed. 

1653. The great fire in Boston in New England. 

Mr. Thomas Dudley, Governour of the Massachusets, dyed 
this year. 

1654. Major Gibbons died in New England. 

1655. Jamaica taken by the English. 

1657. The Quakers arrived in New England, at Plymouth. 
1659. Mr. Henry Dunster, the first President of Harvard 
College, now dyed. 

1661. Major Atherton dyed in New England. 

1663. Mr. John Norton, pastor of Boston in New England, 
dyed suddenly. 

[112] Mr. Samuel Stone, teacher of Hartford Church, dyed 
this year. 

1664. The whole Bible, printed in the Indian language, 

The Manadaes, called New Amsterdam (now called New 
York), surrendered up to his Majestie's Commissioners for 
the settling of the respective Colonies in New England (viz., 
Sir Robert Carr, Collonel Nicols, Collonel Cartwright, and Mr. 
Samuel Mavericke) in September, — after thirteen dayes, the 
fort of Arania, now Albania ; twelve dayes after that, the fort 
Awsapha ; then De la Ware Castle, man'd with Dutch and 
Swedes ; the three first forts and towns being built upon the 
great river Mohegan, otherwise called Hudson's River. 

In September appeared a great comet for the space of three 
months. 9 

9 1664, " December, a great and dreadful comet, or blazing star, appeared in the 
south-east in New England for the space of three moneths; which was accompanied 
with many sad effects, — great mildews blasting in the countrey the next summer." — 
Josseh/n'8 Voyages, Chronol. Obs., p. 273; and see p. 245 of the same for a fuller account. 
— Compare Morton's Memorial, by Davis, p. 304. As to the blasting and mildew of 
1665, see the same, p. 317; and that of 1664, p. 309. 


1665. Mr. John Indicot, Governour of the Massachusets, 

[113] A thousand foot sent this year, by the French king, 
to Canada. 

Capt. Davenport killed with lightning at the Castle by Bos- 
ton in New England, and several wounded. 

1666. The small-pox at Boston; seven slain by lightning, 
and divers burnt. This year, also, New England had cast 
away and taken 31 vessels, and some in 1667. 

1667. Mr. John Wilson, pastor of Boston, dyed, aged 79 

1670. At a place called Kenibunck, which is in the Pro- 
vince of Meyne (a Colony belonging to the heir of that 
honourable knight, Sir Ferdinando Gorges), not far from the 
river-side, a piece of clay ground was thrown up by a mineral 
vapour (as we supposed), over the tops of high oaks that 
grew between it and the river, into the river, stopping the 
course thereof, and leaving a hole two yards square, wherein 
were thousands of [114] clay bullets as big as musquet-bullets, 
and pieces of clay in shape like the barrel of a musquet. 1 

1671. Elder Penn dyed at Boston. 

1672. Mr. Richard Bellingham, Governour of the Massa- 
chusets in New England. 2 


1 See Josselyn"s Voyages, p. 204 and p. 277, where the " hole " is said to have been, 
not "two," but "forty, yards square:" and we are farther told that "the like accident 
fell out at Casco, one and twenty miles from it to the eastward, much about the same 
time; and fish, in some ponds in the countrey, thrown up dead upon the banks, — sup- 
posed likewise to be kill'd with mineral vapours." Hubbard (Hist. N.E., chap. 75) 
tells this, partly in the same words with the account in the Voyages, and adds, " All 
the whole town of Wells are witnesses of the truth of this relation; and many others 
have seen sundry of these clay pellets, which the inhabitants have shown to their 
neighbours of other towns." And compare also the following, at p. 189 of the Vo\'ages : 
" In 1669, the pond that lyeth between Watertown and Cambridge cast its fish dead 
upon the shore; forc't by a mineral vapour, as was conjectured." 

2 It is proper to add here, that a few other errors of the press, beside those of which 
a list has already been given, have been found during the printing, and corrected. 






A'ow Jirst Printed from the Original Manuscript. 

8Ettf) an Sntroouctton ana Notes, 





The voyage to Spitzbergen, of which the account here 
published is now for the first time printed, is one of the 
series embraced in the collection of Purchas. It be- 
longs to a class of voyages associated with so many 
important historical facts and events, that it is not easy 
to determine the limits of explanation and illustration to 
which a prefatory chapter should be confined. 

We have recently been passing through an epoch 
of enthusiasm and effort for polar exploration, whose 
progress has been prolific of dramatic, and even poetical 
incidents, that have arrested the attention and enlisted 
the sympathies of all civilized communities. 

The tragical fate of Franklin and his associates, so 
long shrouded in mystery ; the costly and repeated 
expeditions sent out from two nations for their rescue ; 
the moving adventures of the chivalrous Kane, vivified 
by the graphic skill of his pen ; the heroic and perse- 
vering exertions of Lady Franklin to penetrate the 
obscurity of her husband's doom, crowned at last with 



melancholy success, — all these circumstances have im- 
parted to the arctic expeditions of our own time a 
romantic interest, which they may be thought to possess 
in a higher degree than similar enterprises of an earlier 
period. Yet the history of voyages for Northern dis- 
covery has been marked from the beginning by a like 
courageous spirit, inspired by an equal zeal ; and has 
been varied by not less striking experiences of disaster 
and success, of suffering and escape, of endurance and 

In smaller and clumsier vessels, with less of nautical 
science, and far fewer appliances for comfort and 
security, the same seas were explored, in nearly the 
same places and almost to the same extent, more than 
two centuries ago. And far within those frozen regions, 
among the floating mountains of ice and amid the 
more dangerous forms of drift and pack, were found 
two centuries ago, as they are found now, the hardy 
whalemen, pursuing their prey to the utmost limits of 
practicable navigation ; sometimes following the course 
of discovery, and sometimes leading the way ; asking 
no admiration for their courage, no sympathy for 
their sufferings, and no recompense of renown for the 
perils they encountered and the obstacles they over- 

The progress of ocean fishery is inseparably con- 
nected with that of polar navigation, not merely as its 
principal practical result, but as a main source of 
its early encouragement and support. It is to private 
mercantile enterprise that our knowledge of that portion 
of the globe is chiefly due, either as stimulating the 


action of governments, or, oftener, as assuming itself 
the charges and responsibilities of the adventure. 
Originating "with an effort to discover a shorter and 
safer means of access to the tempting riches of Cathay, 
and upheld by hopes of finding beyond the barriers of 
land-locked ice an open sea and genial sky, — never 
admitted to be wholly illusory by the most experienced 
seamen, — these undertakings were often sustained by 
the profits derived from the oil, the ivory, and the 
whalebone procured upon the coasts of Spitsbergen 
and Greenland, in the highest latitudes of accessible 
land. 1 

Although then, or until then, inferior to Spain, Por- 
tugal, France, and Holland, in commercial activity, the 
English nation was the pioneer of arctic discovery, and 
the first to establish the whale fishery in the extreme 
North. It was on account of this inferiority, and 
because other nations already occupied the commanding 
points in the routes of trade with the Indies, — thereby 
exposing British vessels to capture or material obstruc- 
tion in their traffic, — that a new method of approach 
to the eastern shores of Asia was so eagerly sought. 
The breadth of the continents was under-estimated ; and 
it was believed, that, however difficult and dangerous the 
Northern passage might be, its difficulties and dangers 

1 If the numerous cases collected by Hon. Dairies Harrington from masters of 
■whale-ships, and read before the Royal Society in 1774-5, are to be credited, the 
whalemen have gone nearer to the pole in the pursuit of their regular business than 
the best appointed expeditions have succeeded in doing. 

In the voyage here printed, the latitude of 79° is mentioned as that in which most 
of the whales were taken. Harrington says, that, in 1774, the " fishing latitude," so 
called, at Spitzbergen, was 80°. — BarrinyUrrCs Miscellanies, pp. 31, 50. 


would be less formidable than those Avhich were in- 
cident to the long and tedious voyages round either 
of the Southern capes, especially during periods of 

The principal object of pursuit, it is true, was not 
attained ; but England was rewarded by the acquisition 
of a valuable intercourse with Russia, by the way of 
Archangel ; by a productive whale fishery at Spitsber- 
gen ; by the discovery of Hudson's and Baffin's Bays ; 
and especially by the development of that commercial 
energy which never faltered till it became dominant 
throughout the globe. 

London was the central source of these operations ; 
and her municipal officers, composed of her leading and 
most successful men of business, were the organizers 
and supporters of the many bold and far-reaching 
schemes of traffic and colonization by which the period 
was distinguished. The monarchs of trade in ancient 
Venice and Genoa never conceived more extensive 
designs, or conducted them more royally, than did the 
mayors, sheriffs, and aldermen of London their com- 
bined expeditions of commerce and discovery. The 
names of Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Dudley Digges, Sir 
John Wolstenholme, Sir Francis Cherie, Alderman 
Wyche, Alderman Jones, and others of the same class 
and position, the merchant-princes of this heroic age 
of maritime adventure, were bestowed with almost 
indiscriminate profusion, and somewhat perplexing 
repetition, upon the numerous localities discovered 
under their auspices, often at their individual charge ; 
and with them the names of Hakluyt and Purchas, the 


contemporary chroniclers of their exploits, were wor- 
thily associated. 2 

Hakluyt and Purchas are the patriarchs of British 
commercial history. In his dedication to Sir Francis 
AValsingham, of honorable memory to our countrymen 
as a leading promoter of the first attempts to colonize 
Virginia, Hakluyt states as the cause of his under- 
taking, that having, while a youth, had his interest 
excited in geography and cosmography by a cousin of 
the same name, he afterwards went abroad, and there 
" both heard in speech and read in books other nations 
miraculously extolled for their discoveries and notable 
enterprises by sea ; but the English, of all others, for 
their sluggish security and continual neglect of the 
like attempts, either ignominiously reported or exceed- 
ingly condemned." — " It was for stopping the mouths 
of the reproachers " that he resolved to " undertake the 
burden " of compiling an account of what the English 
people had accomplished. 

His first work (now rarely met with) w r as published 
in 1582, and he continued to collect and print until 

2 With a multitude of Hopes, God's Mercy's, Comforts, Deliverances, and Disap- 
pointments, by which many of the capes, islands, and inlets of the arctic seas were 
originally designated, most of these appellations have been supplanted by the fancies 
or claims of later visitors or rival navigators. Smith's Sound, Wolstenholme's Sound, 
Cape Dudley Digges, Hakluyt's Island, and a few more of the early names, are still 
retained on the maps of the western coast of Greenland; Hakluyt's Headland may yet 
be found at the north-western point of Spitzbergen; and Wyche's Land (sometimes 
written Witches Land), another part of the same country, is occasionally referred to: 
but Sir Thomas Smith's Bay, Sir Thomas Smith's Inlet, Sir Thomas Smith's Island, 
Point Purchas, and Purchas's Plus Ultra, have disappeared from most of the charts of 
tint island; while from Hudson's Bay have been removed Smith's Foreland, Cape 
Wolstenholme, Digge's Island, &c, &c, for the reason, perhaps, that their places were 
wanted for a new series of patrons; or, it may be, because these names were thought 
to monopolize too many localities. These examples are given, not as by any means 
exhausting the catalogue, but simply as illustrating the fact. 


1611. He died in 1616. His manuscript remains fell 
into the hands of Purchas, who had already published, 
in 1613, a summary of general information, nautical, 
geographical, and historical, with the title " Purchas 
his Pilgrimage ; " and now commenced his ponderous 
work, called " Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his 
Pilgrimes," made up of his predecessor's materials, 
printed and unprinted, of documents derived from 
navigators themselves, combined with translations of 
narratives written in foreign tongues, and embracing 
the whole field of commercial and maritime history. 3 
Purchas died in 1628. The narratives of Hakluyt do 
not reach to the active period of polar fisheries. Those 
of Purchas extend to the time when, so far as England 
was concerned, the interest in them began to decline. 

It is wonderful how much these diligent collectors 
contrived to gather, not only from ancient and obscure 
chronicles, but more especially from the oral statements 
and private papers of seamen and their employers, with 
whom they had personal intercourse. It might be 
expected that accounts so procured, would, many of 
them, be crude in form, and often incorrect in details 
of fact ; and that such a mass of materials would fail to 
be satisfactorily digested and systematized ; while the 
prolixity of style and numerous affectations, common 

3 " Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes; containing a History of the 
World in Sea Voyages and Land Travels, by Englishmen and others: -wherein God's 
Wonders in Nature and Providence, the Acts, Arts, Varieties, and Vanities of Man, 
with a World of the World's Rarities, are, by a World of Eye-witnesse Authors, related 
to the World. Some left written by Mr. Hakluit at his death; more since added; his 
also perused and perfected: all examined, abbreviated, illustrated with Notes, enlarged 
with Discourses, adorned with Pictures, and expressed in Maps. In Four Parts, each 
containing Five Books. By Samuel Purchas, D.D." 


to the age in which they wrote, were by no means 
favorable to perspicuity. 

It is not surprising that the logical tastes and severe 
mental habits of John Locke should have caused him 
to be greatly disturbed by these qualities of matter and 
manner. 4 The " Magnalia " of our Cotton Mather is a 
fair example of this kind of literary production, with 
its parade of complimentary prefaces in prose and 
verse, and its clumsy attempts to maintain an air of 
sprightliness in the treatment of serious subjects. The 
effort to carry a cumbrous burden of learning with a 
light and lively step is of itself sufficiently unnatural 
and absurd. In Mather's case, it had unhappily the 
additional awkwardness of being out of season, like 
a discarded fashion, which will sometimes linger in 
secluded districts long after it has been supplanted 
in its original seat. 

There were, however, sufficient causes of obscurity 
inherent in the means of information on which Hakluyt 
and Purchas often relied, without reference to their 
mode of using them. The ancient records were vague 
and imperfect, and contemporary reports were apt to be 
both inexact and exaggerated ; longitudes were seldom 
noted or known ; errors of latitude often arose from 
ignorance of the effect on the sun's apparent position, 
produced by refraction in the Northern atmosphere ; 
even courses and distances were not stated with much 

* " Purchas, like Hakluyt, has thrown in all that came to hand to fill up so many 
volumes, and is excessively full of his own notions, and of mean quibbling and playing 
upon words; yet, for such as can make choice of the best, the collection is very 
valuable." — Introductory Discourse, to Churchill's Collection of Voyages, by John Locke. 


precision ; and, in the struggle with other nations for 
precedence of discovery and possession, claims were 
advanced that were either without foundation, or but 
feebly supported by evidence. Purchas was in the 
habit of treating the documents that came into his 
possession with great freedom ; omitting what he chose 
to consider unimportant, and introducing changes and 
additions, without always enabling his readers to distin- 
guish curtailed or altered or intercalated passages from 
the proper text of his authorities. 

As an example of indistinctness, may be mentioned 
his account of the important voyage of Bylot and 
Baffin in 1616, when Baffin's Bay was first explored, 
and when most of the prominent names still attached 
to its capes, harbors, and inlets, were bestowed upon 
them. The record is ostensibly Baffin's, who had a 
high reputation for scientific attainments and general 
accuracy of observation ; but it is obscured by the 
mutilations and other changes to which it was sub- 
jected. 5 

5 " This voyage, which ought to have heen, and indeed may still be, considered as 
the most interesting and important either before or since, is the most vague, indefinite, 
and unsatisfactory of all others; and the account of it most unlike the writing of 
William Baffin.'' — " So vague and indefinite, indeed, is every information left which 
could be useful, that each succeeding geographer has drawn Baffin's Bay on his chart 
as best accorded with his fancy." — Barrow's Chron. Hist., pp. 215, 216. 

It is probable, however, that the fault in this case rests chiefly, if not entirely, 
with Purchas, who strangely omitted Baffin's chart and explanatory notes, on the plea 
that " this map of the authour for this and the former voyage, with the tables of his 
joumall and sayling, were somewhat troublesome and too costly to insert." 

Baffin was, doubtless, the most scientific navigator of his time. In his voyage to 
Greenland in 1612, he laid down a method of determining the longitude at sea, which 
is said to be the first on record (Barrow, p. 201); and he was one of the first to observe 
and calculate the influence on the sun's apparent altitude of the remarkable refractive 
power of an arctic atmosphere. It is in his account of our voyage to Spitzbergen that 
he notices this subject particularly. Barents and his crew, who wintered at Nova 
Zembla in 1596, are reported to have seen the sun above the horizon fourteen days 


The most striking instance of an unwarrantable 
claim is perhaps that of the discovery of Spitzbergen 
by Sir Hugh Willoughby, which a very slight examina- 
tion of Willoughby's own journal would seem sufficient 
to refute. 6 But the presumption of prior discovery, 
added to the fact of prior occupancy, was required to 
sustain the English pretense of an exclusive right 
to the fisheries on those shores, very fairly, and with 
ultimate success, disputed by the Dutch. 

In this connection, the value of the labors of the 
Hakluyt Society should be duly recognized. The cha- 
racter and purpose of that association are indicated by 
the name it bears. Among its publications are two 
important volumes, — one of them entitled " Narratives 
of Voyages towards the North-west in Search of a 
Passage to Cathay ; " " the other, a revised publication 
of De Veer's " True Description of Three (Dutch) 
Voyages by the North-east towards Cathay," &c. ; 8 in 
which the correction of past errors by means of present 
light, and the establishment of truths before uncertain, 
are happily combined. 

before it should have been visible according to the rules of science then known; and 
were astonished at the seeming miracle. The oblate form of the earth at the poles 
had not then been demonstrated, affording another element of error in nautical 
estimates. Baffin was killed in the East Indies in 1622, at the siege of Ormuz, by a 
shot, "as he was trying his mathematical projects and conclusions" (Parchas, vol. 
iii. p. 848). Purchas calls him "that learned-unlearned mariner and mathematician, 
who, wanting art of words, so really employed himself to those industries whereof here 
you see so eminent fruits" {ibid.: p. 847). 

Sir John Ross bears repeated testimony to the general accuracy of Baffin in noting 
positions and distances. — Voyage of the Isabella awl Alexander, 1818. 

6 See analysis of Willoughby's track, by Thomas Rundall. Hakluyt Society's 
Publications, 1849. 

7 Hakluyt Society's Publications, 1849. 

8 Ibid., 1853. 



After all that the industry of Hakluyt and Purchas 
collected from their contemporaries, there must be 
many maritime records of their period which they did 
not find, or were unable to use, that are worthy of pre- 
servation in print, and of translation if in foreign 
tongues. It is to be hoped that the issues of the 
Hakluyt Society will long continue to be enriched from 
such sources. 

From Hakluyt and Purchas later writers have chiefly 
derived the earlier portions of their compilations ; in 
many instances adopting their errors with their facts. 
In regard to the Northern regions of both hemispheres, 
no small amount of misconception has attended nearly 
every effort to elucidate the history of their discovery. 
Ilheinhold Forster 9 is often criticized and condemned 
by Sir John Barrow, and not by him alone ; and 
Barrow x (the accurate Barrow, as he has been termed) 
is seriously taken to task by the author of " A Me- 
moir of Sebastian Cabot." 2 In all the summaries of 
polar expeditions, that, in one form and another, have 
been introduced into modern narratives, there is a want 
of satisfactory fulness or clearness. A careful study of 
each particular voyage, with a candid comparison of all 
that have been accomplished, or that are claimed as 
having been accomplished, by different nations, is still a 
desideratum in this field of research. 3 

9 History of Voyages and Discoveries in the North, translated from the German. 
London, 1786. 

1 A Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions. London, 1818. 

2 Richard Biddle. 

3 The geographical history of the Western continent very much needs such an 
analytical exposition; and it is to be regretted that a work on the subject, prepared 


There happens to be, among the manuscripts in 
possession of the American Antiquarian Society, an 
original journal of that voyage to Spitzbergen in 1613, 
which immediately followed a grant to the Muscovy 
Company of additional powers from the crown. The 
attempt was made to assert a supremacy over the 
Northern seas by means of an armed fleet of merchant- 
men sent to enforce the submission of ships of other 
nations then beginning to frequent the coasts of Spitz- 
bergen. With this object was combined that of addi- 
tional discoveries ; which, with few exceptions, formed 
a part of the plan of every commercial expedition in 
that quarter. The crisis was one of some moment, 
and was productive of important results affecting the 
general interests of commerce. The whale-fishery, as 
a regular business, had recently commenced. This was 
the third venture of the company in that employment ; 
and the Spanish, French, and Dutch were eagerly 
following on their steps, and enticing away the English 
pilots and sailors to their own service. The Holland- 
ers had a claim of right, in virtue of the discovery of 
Spitzbergen by their countryman Barents in 1596. 
They were also fortified by the publication, the pre- 
ceding year, of the " Mare Liberum " of Grotius, written 
for their special benefit. Immediately following this 
voyage, there appeared from the press at Amsterdam an 
account of the discovery of the island, its situation and 
products, with a protest against the pretensions of the 
English, and their obstructions to the use of the fisheries 

with great labor by Mr. J. G. Kohl, under the encouragement of the Smithsonian 
Institution, should remain unpublished for want of the necessary funds. 


by other nations. 4 The Dutch vessels were afterwards 
protected by ships of war. 

It was in this voyage that the arms of the King of 
England were first set up on the island ; which was 
named, in his honor, " King James his New Land." 5 

The account of the expedition in the " Pilgrimes " of 
Purchas is attributed to Baffin, who perhaps accom- 
panied the expedition in a scientific capacity, as he does 
not appear to have held a command. 

There are reasons, which will be adduced in another 
place, for believing that the journal now first printed 
was from the pen of Robert Fotherby, whose name, 
both as an author and as a skilful navigator, is connected 
with two succeeding voyages. From the manner in 
which his papers are referred to and used by Purchas, 
as well as from his ceasing to be mentioned, it is pro- 
bable that he died soon after, while yet a young man. 

Although the voyage itself has no direct connection 
with American history, it is intimately associated with 
facts that are proper subjects of interest and investi- 
gation for American archaeologists. It was part of 
the great commercial operations that embraced the 
exploration and settlement of our own shores. It was 
conducted under the same auspices and with the same 
objects that controlled the fisheries in our seas, and 

4 " Histoire du Pays nomine 1 Spitzberghe, comme il a este descouvert, sa situation, 
et de ses Animauls. Aveo le Discours des Empechemens que les Navires esquippes 
pour la Peche des Baleines tant Basques, Hollanrlois, que Flamens, out souffert de la 
part des Anglois, en l'An^e presenle 1613. Escript par H. G. A. Et un Protestation 
contre les Anglois, et Annullation de tous leurs Frivolz Argumens, par lequelz ils 
pensent avoir droit de se fair seuls Maistres du dit Pays. A Amsterdam, chez Hessel 
Gerard A. a l'enseigne de la Carte Nautiq. MDCCX1II." 

5 Anderson's Commerce v vol. iii. p. 343. 


established the earliest English colonies on our soil. 
In point of time, it is midway between the first perma- 
nent settlement in Virginia and the landing of the 
Pilgrims at Plymouth ; and, in the influences attached 
to it, has definite relations to both. 

A list of the members of the Muscovy Company is 
not within reach, if still extant ; but the men who 
managed its concerns, and sent out this and other 
expeditions to Spitsbergen, were, some of them at 
least, among the assignees of Raleigh, and followed up 
successfully his plans of colonization. Sir Thomas 
Smith, the Governor of the Muscovy Company, was the 
Treasurer and de facto Governor of the Virginia Com- 
pany. Sir Dudley Digges (his kinsman) and Sir John 
Vv'olstenholme were likewise patentees, and named of 
the Council by the king in 1609. Sir Dudley Digges 
was also one of the New-England Company. 6 

6 Sir Thomas Smith stands first in the list of Raleigh's assignees. The next, 
William Sanderson, was a veteran merchant of the same class, whose name was 
given to the most northerly point on the Greenland coast attained by Davis in 1587. 
Smith was the leading manager of the Virginia Company, but became unpopular on 
account of a body of laws sent over by him, that were considered objectionable for 
their severity. He surrendered his office in 1619, " being far advanced in years and 
of tender health;" having, " in the time of greatest trouble and difficulty, continued 
above twelve years in the principal office of the company " (Stilh's Virginia, book iii. 
pp. 158-9). " During all which time, (he) was Treasurer and Governor of the Com- 
pany, with the expense of seventy thousand pounds, or thereabouts, brought in for 
the most part by voluntary adventurers; being, a great many of them, Sir Thomas's 
near friends and relations, and, for his sake, joining in the business " (ibid., book v. 
p. 301, from Alderman Johnson's " Declaration of the Prosperous Estate of the Colony 
during Sir Thomas Smith's Time of Government"). 

Sir Thomas Smith was second son of Thomas Smith, Esq., in the county of Kent. 
He was a Farmer of the Customs in the reign of Queen Elizabeth; and was so much 
in favor with King James, that he sent him ambassador to the Emperor of Russia in 
1604. He was prominent in almost every important maritime enterprise of his time. 
He built a costly house at Deptford, near London; which was destroyed by fire in 
1619. Hia eldest son married a daughter of Robert, Earl of Warwick. He was buried 
under a stately monument in Hone Church, Kent. The inscription is a summary 
of his histor}-: " To the glory of God, and to the pious memorie of the honorable Sir 


It is impossible to withhold one's admiration from 
these merchant-knights, who so nobly distinguished 
themselves in the peaceful errantry of commerce at a 
period when distances were comparatively formidable ; 
compassing the globe with their ships ; striving, with 
courage unshaken by defeat, to force a passage, through 
the domains of perpetual frost and semi-perpetual night, 
into the fruitful and sunny regions of the East; and 
turning aside, as if for relaxation, from bolder ad- 
ventures, to uphold infant colonies in some remote 

Thomas Smith, Kt. (late governour of the East Indian, Muscovia, French, and Sommer 
Island companies; treasurer for the Virginia plantation; prime undertaker (in the year 
1612) for that noble designe, the discoverie of the North- West passage; principall 
commissioner for the London expedition against the pirates, and for a voiage to the 
ryver Senega, upon the coast of Africa; one of the chief commissioners for the navie- 
roial, and sometime ambassador from the majestie of Great Britain to the emperour 
and great duke of Russia and Muscovia, &c), who, havinge judiciously, conscion- 
ably, and with admirable facility, managed many difficult and weighty affairs to the 
honor and profit of this nation, rested from his labors the 4th day of Septem., 1625 " 
(Athence Oxonienses, vol. ii. col. 54). Some verses descriptive of the multitude and 
diversity of his enterprises are added to the above. Purchas, acknowledging his 
obligations to him, with high-flown allusions to Neptune and Xerxes, adds in a note, 
that the courts, consultations, &c, for the East Indies, Virginia, Summer Islands, 
North and North-west discoveries, Muscovia, &c, are kept at his house [Pilgrimage, 
ed. of 1614, p. 744). 

The widow, and third wife, of Sir Thomas married Robert Sidney, Earl of Leicester, 
brother of the celebrated Sir Philip Sidney. — Hasted's Kent, vol. i. pp. 2.38, 412. 

In the Bodleian Catalogue, a book entitled " Sir Thomas Smith's Voyage and 
Entertainment in Russia" is attributed to him; and he is erroneously said to be the son 
of Sir Thomas Smith, who was Secretary of State to Queen Elizabeth, and a distin- 
guished scholar and writer. Wood, in the " Athena;," mentions the book, but says it 
was published without his knowledge or consent. The Sir Thomas Smiths, of whom 
there were three distinguished about the same time, are often confounded. 

Sir Dudley Digges was also of a Kent family, and one remarkable during several 
generations for intellectual gifts and attainments. His grandfather was an able 
mathematician and writer; his father was also a distinguished mathematician and 
author; his brother Leonard was a poet, orator, and linguist. Sir Dudley himself was 
an accomplished scholar, traveller, statesman, and author, a patriotic member of 
Parliament, and a princely merchant. He was one of the most active in bringing the 
Duke of Buckingham to account (for which he was committed to the Tower), and 


But, while the lives of individual men are of limited 
duration, the planting of new states is a slow and 
protracted process, of which the germ and the fruit are 
seldom found in the same generation. The municipal 
officers of London who began the work, who enlisted 
the participation of noblemen and courtiers, who cre- 
ated the spirit of enterprise, and set the example of 
broad and liberal designs, bequeathed to successors in 
similar mercantile positions their habits of adventure 
and the fulfilment of their lordly schemes. The men 
of rank who aspired to be proprietors of domains that 

among the foremost in maintaining the liberties of the subject against the usurpations 
of the throne. He succeeded Sir Julius Caesar as Master of the Rolls in 1636; and died 
March 18, 1638. He purchased the Manor and Castle of Chilham in Kent; where, 
about the year 1616, he erected a magnificent edifice for his residence. It is said of him, 
that "his understanding few could equal; his virtues, fewer would:" and that "the 
wisest men reckoned his death among the public calamities of those times" (Athenie 
Oxonienses, vol. ii. cols. 634 and 635; Hasted' s Kent, vol. iii. p. 130; Clialmers' Biug. 
Dict..&c). Some of his speeches are preserved by Eushworth. His son Dudley was 
also distinguished as a general scholar and writer. Sir Dudley left eight sons and three 
daughters. Col. Edward Digges, chosen Governor of Virginia in 1655, " having given 
signal testimony of his fidelity to Virginia and to the Commonwealth of England " 
(Henning, vol. i. p. 388), was probably his son. In the churchyard at Woodford, Eng- 
land, is the tomb of " Edward Digges, Esq., son of Hon. Dudley Digges of Virginia, 
1711" (Lyson's Env. of LontL, vol. iiii. p. 278). 

Sir John Wolstenholme, as well as Sir Thomas Smith, held the important and 
lucrative office of Farmer of the Customs, and was made a knight by Charles I. 
He purchased Xostell Abbey in Yorkshire; and, at his death, left a great estate. 
The parish-church of Stanmore Magna, near London, was erected at his sole expense; 
and his monument, which presents his effigies at full length, was placed within it. 
He died Nov. 25, 1639, at the age of seventy-seven. In his epitaph, his office of 
Farmer of the Customs is referred to: " Quam splendidissimam teloniam, summa fide, 
cnra, et innocentia, exercuit." His son, Sir John, who was made a baronet by 
Charles II., and appointed to his father's place in the Customs, lost a large part of his 
property in the Revolution by adhering to the king. There was a remarkable friend- 
ship between him and the Earl of Clarendon, the Lord Chancellor (Lyson's Env. of 
L/ml<m, vol. iii, pp. 395, 396; Kimber's Baronetage, vol. ii. p. 306). The friendship 
between this Sir John and Clarendon must have begun early; as we find in the auto- 
biography of Sir John Bramston (Camden Society's publications, 1845) a reference to 
Edward Hyde as on the way to see his wife, then at Sir John Wolstenholme's, who 
lived at Xostell Priory, near Ferry Bridge. This was about 1640. 


might become kingdoms, and the rulers meantime of 
colonial dependencies, met with small success in their 
projects ; but the merchants, with a better knowledge of 
men and of business, and a wiser selection of means 
and agencies, secured the attainment of permanent 
results. The mayors, aldermen, sheriffs, and other 
leading merchants of London, as members of the great 
trading corporation, that, from an incidental branch of 
its operations, received the name of Russia or Muscovy 
Company, opened the way, which later mayors, alder- 
men, and sheriffs followed up by contributing their 
money, the influence of their names, and the benefit of 
their counsel and direction, to the advancement of the 
Colony of Massachusetts Bay. 7 

It is customary, with writers of our national history, 
to go far back among English annals to trace the rise of 
religious dissent, and investigate the forms of doctrinal 
difference which are supposed to have culminated in 
Puritanism, and to have induced that kind of emigra- 
tion, and that condition of affairs at home, which have 
dominantly affected the fortunes and character of the 
New-England States. But those elements of influence 
which belong to the rise and growth of commerce, 
especially the commerce of the fisheries ; the conse- 
quent habit of distant enterprises of trade and coloniza- 
tion, causing familiarity with the seas, and affording 

? Among the members of the Massachusetts Company were Thomas Andrews and 
Thomas Adams, each of whom at some time held the office of mayor, and one or both 
of them that of sheriff: two at least (Vassall and Bateman) are in the list of alder- 
men. The Governor (Cradock) was a merchant of London, as were Abraham Palmer, 
Nathaniel Wright, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Goffe, Owen Rowe, and doubtless 
others who are less known. 


practice in the administration of affairs on an extended 
scale, — were working as snrely and effectively to the 
same end ; and, in the study of causes, are deserving of 
no less careful consideration. 

It is not merely the explorations and discoveries that 
sprang from the ambitions and rivalries of commerce, 
nor the plantations to which the supposed riches of the 
sea and land in the Western Hemisphere were an in- 
ducement, that represent the consequences to us of these 
commercial undertakings. They contributed directly to 
the moulding of our political institutions, and the de- 
termination of our national characteristics. 

In the first place, they enriched the middle classes 
of England, so that the House of Commons thrice over- 
matched the House of Lords in wealth. In the second 
place, they gave that experience in the management of 
men as well as things, involving more or less the prin- 
ciples of political science, which entitled the Long 
Parliament to be described by Bishop Warburton as 
comprising " a set of the greatest geniuses for govern- 
ment that the world ever saw embarked together in any 
one cause." 

The great English Revolution, whatever it became, 
cannot be attributed to scruples of conscience under 
religious constraint as its chief cause. It arose rather 
from a resistance of property, under a sense of personal 
independence, to the claims of prerogative. Hence it 
began with a refusal, on the part of the rich merchants, 
to submit to illegal taxation. It may be no more than 
a coincidence, that Nathaniel Manstreye, William Spur- 
stowe, Thomas Sharpe, and Thomas Webb, citizens of 



London, — who were imprisoned, in 1627, for declining 
to lend the king money, — and Samuel Vassall, one of 
the first to resist the payment of tonnage and poundage, 
are found among the members of the Massachusetts 
Company: but it corresponds with the fact, that so 
many other members of the company, and their imme- 
diate friends, were among the most active and most 
effective workers in Parliament and in the army for 
the overthrow of the monarchy ; several of them sitting 
as judges at the trial of the king. We know that 
the stirring events which engrossed the attention of the 
sovereign and his ministers were all that prevented the 
revocation of the charter of Massachusetts ; and we 
may imagine that the destinies of New England, and of 
our whole country, were materially affected by the in- 
fluence of the mercantile classes upon the political 
affairs of the kingdom. 8 

It is remarked, in one of the publications of the 
Hakluyt Society, that the proceedings of the Muscovy 
Company " are highly deserving of being made the sub- 
ject of special investigation." An account, not only of 
its commercial and political relations and its numerous 
enterprises, but of its leading members, and their per- 
sonal services in connection with that and other corpo- 
rations, and on private account (for there is a singular 
mixture in these transactions), would present many 
points of interest to an American. Sebastian Cabot, 

8 In a paper prefixed to a publication of the Records of the Massachusetts Com- 
pany, by the American Antiquarian Society, in 1850, the writer had occasion to notice 
the prominent agency of its members in the establishment of the English Common- 
wealth. The views there expressed have been strengthened by subsequent examina- 
tions of the subject. 


in his old age, was its founder and first governor ; and 
the discovery of Frobisher's Straits, Davis's Straits, 
Hudson's Bay and Baffin's Bay, the important voyage 
of Sir Humphrey Gilbert to Newfoundland, and many 
minor explorations upon the northern coasts of this 
continent, are included among the fruits of its organiza- 
tion. 9 

So much reference to maritime events in the Northern 
regions as will place our voyage to Spitzbergen in its 
proper historical position may be regarded as pertinent 
to the objects of this introduction. 

Two companies for a long time controlled the trade 
of England, — the Merchants of the Steelyard and the 
Merchants of the Staple. The first, sometimes called 
the German Company, was a foreign institution, depend- 
ent on the continental league of commercial cities 
known as the " Hanse Towns ; " which, having obtained 
a footing in London for its factors more than two cen- 
turies before, was established by a formal treaty in 1475. 
The Merchants of the Staple were incorporated as early 
as 1313 ; but the Steelyard Company had the advantage 
of connections abroad, which enabled them to secure a 
supremacy over the external dealings of the kingdom. 
Antwerp was the emporium of European commerce : 
it was the mart where the English merchants sold their 
native products, and purchased the commodities of other 

9 While the sanction of the Company was required for these expeditions, the ex- 
pense was generally defrayed by private subscription ; a few men — like Smith, Digges, 
Wolstenholme, Sanderson, Cherie, &c. — assuming the principal charge, and sharing 
the profits, if any, in the same proportion. Sir Humphrey Gilbert " went out by leave 
and admittance of the Muscovia Company " (JZIge's Narrative, in Purchas). 


The breaking-up of this condition of things was due, 
in part, to domestic discontents, occasioned by the sub- 
jection of traffic to the domination of foreigners ; out 
of which grew the civil disturbances of May Day, 1517. 
A company for the transaction of the wool-trade with 
the Netherlands, incorporated by Henry VII. in 1505, 
became strong enough, ultimately, to oppose success- 
fully the interference of the Steelyard monopolists ; and 
through their exertions, combined with those of the 
Merchants of the Staple, the privileges of the Steelyard 
Company were declared forfeited in 1552. Although 
renewed in 1554 by Mary, these are supposed to have 
been again withdrawn, as the company never recovered 
their power ; and the houses they occupied were finally 
closed, by order of Elizabeth, in 1597. 

The second cause of the subversion of the courses of 
trade was the capture and sack of Antwerp, by the 
Duke of Parma, in 1585 ; which gave a shock to the 
whole system of European commerce, and established 
the independence of that of England. 1 

Events that seem to belong together from their na- 
ture, origin, and design, are sometimes separated by 
considerable intervals in history. The successful voyage 
of Columbus caused great attention to be given to the 
study of the form of the earth ; and, when the posi- 
tions of different countries in point of latitude came to 

1 The sacking of this city gave the finishing blow to the commerce of the Neth- 
erlands. The whole fishing trade removed into Holland; and as for the noble manu- 
factures of Flanders and Brabant, they removed to different parts. Much of the 
woollen manufacture settled at Leyden; the linen removed to Haerlem and Amsterdam. 
One-third part of the merchants and workmen who worked and dealt in silks, damasks, 
and taffeties, and in bayes, says, serges, stockings, &c, settled in England. — Ander- 
son's Commerce, vol. ii. p. 211-12. 


be understood, the great saving of distance to be effected 
by a Northern passage from England to China was at 
once perceived. 2 

To accomplish that passage was the great ambition of 
the Cabots. Sailing under the authority of Henry VII., 
they discovered Newfoundland, and made known the 
value of its fisheries : but the English did not, for many 
years, take advantage of this knowledge ; while the Ca- 
tholic countries — Spain, Portugal, and France, where 
the fasts of the church created a great demand for 
fish — began almost immediately to send vessels to the 
Grand Banks. 3 

According to Mr. Sabine, there is no account of En- 
glish fishing at Newfoundland before 1517. It was of 
little consequence ten years later. 4 It began to be im- 
portant about 1550. In 1578, there were engaged a 
hundred ships from Spain, fifty from Portugal, a hun- 
dred and fifty from France, to fifteen from England. 5 
The two events on which the paramount right of En- 
land is usually founded are the discovery by Cabot in 

2 " When newes were brought, that Don Christopher Colonius had discovered the 
coasts of India, — whereof was great talk in the Court of King Henry the 7; insomuch 
that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more divine than humane 
to saile by the West into the East, where spices growe, by a way that was never 
knowen before, — by this fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame 
of desire to attempt some notable thing; and understanding, by reason of the sphere, 
that, if I should saile by way of the Northwest, I should by a shorter tract come into 
India, I thereupon caused the king to be advertised of my devise." — Discourse of Se- 
bastian Cabot: Eahluyl (from Ramusio), vol. iii. p. 28. 

3 In 1504. Forster's Discoveries in the North, p. 291. Scoresby's Arctic Regions; 
Appendix, p. 56. Report on American Fisheries to the United-States Treasury De- 
partment, in 1852, by Hon. Lorenzo Sabine. 

* Sabine. Purchas, vol. iii. p. 809. In treating of national industry, the Pictorial 
History of England (book vi. chap, iv.) states that " the first attempt of the English to 
obtain a share of this trade was not till 1536." 

6 Parkhurst's Letter, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 170. Anderson's Com., vol. ii. p. 192. 

262 arch^eologia Americana. 

1497, and the taking possession by Sir Humphrey Gil- 
bert in 1583. 6 It is estimated, that, about the year 1600, 
ten thousand men and boys were employed on board 
and on shore in the business. The first birth from 
European parents, at Newfoundland, was in 16 13. 7 

So dilatory were the English in availing themselves of 
this great source of wealth, from which the merchants 
of other nations were realizing magnificent fortunes. 
Their efforts to discover new routes of trade with the 
Indies were also slow in progress, and subject to similar 

Sebastian Cabot, after his voyages under Henry VII., 
went into the service of Spain. He is said to have 
returned, and made another voyage in search of the 
north-west passage about 1517, and even to have entered 
the bay afterwards discovered by Hudson ; but the story 
is not free from obscurity. 8 In 1527, Robert Thorne, a 
merchant of Bristol, endeavored to show, by reasoning, 
the practicability of a passage by the North : 9 and there 
is a somewhat mythical account of two ships being sent ; 
one of them called the "Dominus vobiscum." 1 In 1536, 
" one Master Hore, of London, a man of goodly stature 
and great courage," went as far as Newfoundland ; 

6 Sabine. 

"'■ Ibid. Mr. Sabine expresses his conviction, "after long and patient inquiry," that 
the emigration of the Pilgrims from Le3 r den to Pl3 r mouth was due to the inducements 
of the fishing trade; a business by which every fifth person in Holland was said to earn 
his subsistence. His reasoning is even more applicable to the rise of the Colony of 
Massachusetts Bay. — Sabine's Report, part iii. 

s Biddle's Memoir, pp. 102-117. 

Letters to Henry VIII. and Dr. Leigh, in Hakluyt, vol. i. pp. 235, 237. Thorne 
claimed that his father had been concerned in a voyage to Newfoundland with Hugh 
Elliot and Thomas Ashurst in 1502. If the voyage was made, no record of it re- 

1 Compare Hakluyt, Barrow, and Biddle. 


and, after many misfortunes and much suffering, re- 
turned with his men in a French ship, which they had 
seized, and substituted for their own. 

About the time of the breaking-up of the Steelyard 
monopoly Cabot re-appeared in England. It was a 
period of great depression in trade. In conjunction 
with " certaine grave citizens of London, and men of 
greate wisdome, and carefull for the good of their coun- 
try," he organized an association called " The Mysterie 
and Companie of the Merchant Adventurers for the 
Discoverie of Regions, Dominions, Islands, and Places 
then unknown." Cabot, now more than eighty years 
old, was made Grand Pilot of England, and Governor of 
the Company. 

An expedition for the discovery of a passage by the 
~Sorth-east was immediately resolved upon. There were 
traditions and chronicles declaring the existence of open 
navigation north of Norway and Lapland ; particularly 
the narrative of Octher, or Othere, a Norwegian navi- 
gator, who, about the year 890, delivered to King Alfred 
" a most just survey and description of the whole coast, 
even to the mouth of the River Dwina in Russia." 2 
Encouraged by this account, and by others perhaps of 
a later date, great expectations were entertained of an 
easy transit in that direction. Three vessels were built 
by the best shipwrights specially for the purpose. Sir 
Hugh Willoughby — "a most valiant gentleman, and 
well born " — was selected to be admiral, from many 

2 Anderson's Commerce, vol. i. p. 108. The story was inserted in King Alfred's 
version of Orosins. See Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 5; and Harrington's translation, with a 
map, in his Miscellanies, p. 453. 


" sufficient captains and governors " who offered their 
services, " by reason of his goodly personage, as also 
for his singular skill in the services of war." Richard 
Chancelor, the second in command, was chosen " for 
many good points of wit in him ; in whom alone great 
hope for the performance of this business rested." 3 

They sailed May 10, 1553, courtiers and common 
people being assembled to witness their departure, amid 
the firing of cannon and the shouts of the multitude. 
" The good King Edward only, by reason of his sick- 
ness, was absent from this shew." 4 

It was the fate of Willoughby, with seventy men, — 
the crews of two of his vessels, — to be the proto- 
martyrs of arctic enterprise. They were found by some 
Russians, the spring following, frozen stark in their 
ships on the coast of Lapland. They had with them 
an imperfect journal of their voyage, which did not 
include an account of their final experiences or suf- 

" Such was the Briton's fate, 
As with first prow (what have not Britons dared?) 
He for the passage sought, attempted since 
So much in vain." — Thomson. 

The lost men were in the " Bona Esperanza " and 
" Bona Confidentia ; " but Chancelor, in the " Bon- 
adventure," was more fortunate or more skilful. He 
landed near the present site of Archangel in Russia ; 
and, making good use of his " wit," was aided by the 
semi-barbarous natives in pushing his way to Moscow, 
where the emperor held his court. There he presented 

s Clement Adams, in Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 271. 4 Ibid. 


his credentials, and succeeded in producing a favorable 
impression. The monarch himself knew little, if any 
thing, about England ; but an ambassador from the Son 
of Persia had heard of the country, and, perhaps pleased 
with an opportunity to exhibit his knowledge, spoke in 
terms of commendation of its people. It is somewhat 
singular to find an Asiatic from beyond the Tigris vouch- 
ing for the respectability of the British nation ; but 
either through his good offices or the address of Chan- 
celor, or both, the Russian emperor manifested much 
readiness to enter into relations of amity and commerce 
with that kingdom. Chancelor carried home with him 
missives from the Czar, Ivan Vasilowich, containing 
professions of regard, and tendering facilities of trade, 
that quite overcame the sense of discouragement which 
the loss of Willoughby would otherwise have occa- 

Great enthusiasm was produced by the mercantile 
prospects so unexpectedly opened. The association 
organized by Cabot received a charter from Philip and 
Mary, bearing date Feb. 6, 1554-5, and assumed the 
name of the " Muscovy," or " Russia Company ; " which 
they continued to retain even after the act of Parlia- 
ment of 1566, where they are styled " the Fellowship 
of English Merchants for the Discovery of New 
Trades," — a corporate title under which they still 

Such was the origin of the Muscovy Company, whose 
ample jurisdiction embraced all undiscovered or unap- 
propriated regions " north-wards, north-eastwards, and 
north-westwards ; " which none but those licensed by 



the company might frequent without a forfeiture of 
ships and merchandise. 5 

A lucrative traffic with Russia followed these events, 
not without efforts to pass beyond to the coveted land 
of spices ; efforts which yielded only disappointment, 
yet did not extinguish hope. 6 

The Dutch — always on the lookout for chances of 
profit, and, if we may believe Purchas, always following 
in the steps of the English, wherever a business pro- 
mised to be gainful — were anxious to obtain a share 
of the trade with Russia. 

Passing by the English voyages of Burough in 1556, 
and Pet and Jackman in 1580, — which were productive 
of no important results bearing on our purpose, — we 
come to the more celebrated expedition of the Dutch, 
under the pilotage of William Barents, in 1596. It was 
the third voyage of that able navigator, whose name 
is variously written Barents, Bernards, Barentzoon, and 
Bernardzoon ; meaning the son of Barent, or Bernard. 

6 Anderson's Commerce, vol. ii. p. 131. 

6 In 1556, the company sent out men to bring home Willoughby's ships and the 
bodies of the men; and, as a fitting conclusion to the tragedy, the vessels "sunk by 
the way, with their dead, and them also that brought them." — Brief Hist, of Moscovia, 
ch. 5, in the Prose Works of John Milton. 

In the same year, Chancelor, conveying an ambassador from Russia to England 
in his ship the "Good Fortune" (Bunadventure), found it no longer answering to its 
name. He was wrecked on the coast of Scotland, and lost his life; though the am- 
bassador was saved. — Letter of Henry Lane to William Sanderson. Hakluyt, vol. i. 
p. 523. 

It may be worth mentioning, as a curious fact in reference to the recent resistance 
of our government and others to the exaction of tolls at the entrance of the Baltic, 
that, for the privilege of passing round the coasts of Norway and Danish Lapland, the 
Muscovy Company were bound by treaty to pay to the King of Denmark a toll of one 
hundred rose nobles annually. The reason assigned for this charge was, that the esta- 
blishment of the new route of trade had materially diminished the customary receipts 
at Elsinore. The Russians had then, however, no commercial ports on the Baltic; and 
the war with Sweden had closed the access through that sea. 


Taking a course more northerly than those who had 
preceded him, he came first upon a small island, in lati- 
tude 74° 30', to which he gave the name of Bear Island. 
This, upon English maps, is Cherie Island ; so called by 
Stephen Bennet, seven years later, after his patron, Alder- 
man Sir Francis Cherie, a distinguished member of the 
Muscovy Company. It became a place of great resort 
for the oil and ivory of the walrus, until the supply was 
exhausted, or found more abundant elsewhere. Con- 
tinuing northwards, the Dutch again saw land, in lati- 
tude 79° 49 / ; which was supposed by them to be a part 
of Greenland, but which is now known by the name of 

Returning to Bear Island, a division of opinion there 
occurred among the officers of the two vessels, and led 
to a separation. One of the ships, with Barents as 
pilot, went to Nova Zembla ; where, being caught in the 
ice on the north-eastern side of the island, the Dutch 
passed a memorable winter. The incidents and suffer- 
ings attending this earliest sojourn by civilized men 
through the cold and darkness of an arctic night, whose 
experiences are recorded, if delineated with the graphic 
power of Kane, would form one of the most interest- 
ing narratives in maritime history. As told by De Veer, 
who was present, it is still, perhaps, entitled to that 
appellation. When the light and comparative warmth 
returned, finding it impossible to extricate their ship, 
they fitted up two boats, and, with great difficulty and 
danger, succeeded in reaching Kora in Lapland ; where, 
to their great joy, they found their comrades. Barents, 
however, had perished by the way. Exhausted by ill- 


ness and exposure, he died suddenly in the boat, while 
studying a chart of their course. 

De Veer's account of the voyages of Barents has 
been reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, with an elabo- 
rate introduction and notes. 7 The editor states that the 
prior discovery of Spitzbergen by the Dutch is now 
universally admitted ; and adds, " But that Spitzbergen 
was actually circumnavigated by them is a fact, which, 
as far as we are aware, has never been adverted to by 
any writer on arctic discovery." 8 

It is against the fact that no such claim was advanced 
by De Veer, — who speaks of the country as " this land 
which Ave esteem to be Greenland" — and against the 
silence of writers (Dutch as well as others) on the 
point, that the editor has to make good his belief of 
circumnavigation from the narrative itself. 9 

7 " A True Description of Three Voyages, by the North-east, towards Cathay and 
China, undertaken by the Dutch in the Years 1594, 1595, and 1596. By Gerrit De Veer. 
Published at Amsterdam in the Year 1598; and, in 1609, translated into English by 
William Phillip. Edited by Charles T. Beke, Phil. D., F.S.A. London, 1853." 

s Introduction, p. lxxxv. 

9 The editor remarks, that Gerard's imperfect account, published in De Bry's 
Collection, being better known to literary men than De Veer's original journal, " is 
doubtless the reason why the circumnavigation of Spitzbergen by Barents, &c, has 
hitherto remained unknown." This explanation is hardly satisfactory. It does not 
seem possible that De Veer's narrative can have been so little known or consulted. 
The admitted obscurity of the journal, which even the editor's labors have not made 
clear to a casual reader, seems a more natural explanation of the omission to observe 
so important a circumstance. 

Without desiring to question the correctness of the British editor's theory, it may 
be proper to refer to some of the difficulties it has to encounter. It appears to involve 
the supposition, that Barents — who had determined the position of Bear Island with 
perfect accuracy — could have sailed round Spitzbergen without being aware of its 
entire isolation, or that the fact was unknown to his companion De Veer. If the 
plants and grass growing there, and " the beast that feed on grass," found in as high a 
latitude as 80°, — while at Nova Zembla, several degrees further south, none of either 
were seen (from which they inferred that ice and cold were not caused by proximity 
to the Pole), — had suggested the name of "Greenland," their discovery might very 
well have been so called, as the same name was often applied to difl'ereut places. But 


It does not appear that any specific name was given 
to the country by the Dutch at that period ; although 
subsequently they called it Spitsbergen, on account of 
its sharply pointed mountains. To the English it con- 
tinued to be Greenland, even after its entire separation 
from Greenland Proper was believed, and when it was 
also designated as " King James's Newland." 1 It was 
sometimes termed East Greenland ; and a distinction 
was observed by retaining the Danish diphthong in the 
name of the ancient country, which often degenerated 
from Groenland, or Groinland, to Groneland. 2 

After the establishment of trade with Russia by the 
Muscovy Company, the attention of the English was 
directed towards the West, in the hope of a passage 
north of the American Continent. Frobisher, Gilbert, 

De Veer speaks of it only as a "part of Greenland," and as the " eastern part of Green- 
land;" implying ignorance of its being a distinct body of land. If he knew it to be 
an island, it is not easy to imagine why he should fail to report it as such. Editions of 
his narrative were printed in various languages, which are noticed in the publication 
of the Hakluyt Society. The account that appeared under the name of Gerard, in 
1613 (see ante, p.252,n.), — which the editor considers to have concealed, by its imper- 
fections, the fact of circumnavigation, — is professedly taken from Barents's own notes, 
" escrit de la main propre de Guillaume Bernard." Although the truth of that asser- 
tion may be doubted, yet, as the object of the publication was to prove the right of 
the Dutch to possession of the country, it is remarkable that the incident of circum- 
navigation should not have been noticed, if it really happened. 

1 La the account of Hudson's Voyage, in 1607, he speaks of it as called Newland 
by the Hollanders. — Purchas, vol. iii. p. 571. 

2 Whether Groenland was so named, by Eric the Red, because it seemed to him 
verdant as compared with Iceland, or simply because he thought the name would be 
attractive to his countrymen, is not quite clear. " Terram quam invenerat Groen- 
Iandiam (viridem terram) nominavit; dicebat enim, hanc rem hominibus suasuram eo 
demigrare, quod terra specioso nomine gauderet." — Antiquitates Americana;, Parlkula 
de Eiriko Rufo, p. 13. 

Intercourse with that part of Greenland which was colonized by the Danes has 
been prevented by the ice since the beginning of the fifteenth century; but Scoresby, 
who landed on the coast some degrees further north, found it richer in plants and ver- 
dure than any other seen by him within the Arctic Circle. The grass, in one place, 
was a foot in height; and there were meadows in several places, that appeared nearly 
equal to any in England. — Voyage of 1822. 


and Davis made their several discoveries between the 
years 1576 and 1588. 

The Dutch were not prompt in claiming and exercis- 
ing their rights as discoverers in the north. In 1603, 
Bear or Cherie Island was rediscovered, as has been 
stated, and named by the English. In 1607, Henry 
Hudson, having been despatched in a course due north 
towards the Pole, rediscovered Spitzbergen ; and sailed, 
with a small bark and a crew of ten men and a boy, to 
a higher latitude, it is asserted, than was afterwards 
reached by any navigator for more than two centuries. 3 
Hakluyt's Headland, Whale Bay, and some other names 
still retained on the map, originated with him. In ran- 
ging homeward, he met with an island in the latitude of 
71°, which he called Hudson's Touches. 4 A knowledge 

3 " A latitude which no ship after was able to approach for two hundred years, or 
until 1816; when Mr. Scoresby was the first to confirm the discoveries of Hudson." — 
Beeehey's Voyage of the Dorothea and Trent, p. 204. 

Beechey, however, thinks Hudson was mistaken in his latitude, as he speaks of 
seeing land as high as 82°; whereas no part of Spitzbergen reaches even to 81°. — 
Ibid., p. 267. 

The highest point reached by Capt. Parry over the ice north V>f Spitzbergen, in 
1827, was 82° 45' north, in 19£° east; when he perceived that the movement of the 
whole body of the ice towards the south was bearing him back almost as rapidly as 
he advanced. He was, at that time, a hundred and seventy-two miles from his ship; 
and, as he had travelled the greater part of the distance several times over, he esti- 
mated that the same labor would have carried him nearly to the Pole, if the ice had 
been stationary. — Ibid., p. 198. 

The examples collected by Daines Barrington (chiefly from the Dutch whale- 
fishers), of vessels having sailed much further towards the Pole, are not regarded by 
Scoresby as sufficiently well authenticated. — Scoresby' s Arctic Regions, vol. i. p. 42. 
See also Barrington's Miscellanies, — papers read before the Royal Society in 1774 and 

4 Edge's account of Northern Discoveries, in Purchas, vol. iii. p. 464. As the fact 
does not appear in the journal of the voyage, as given by Purchas in the same volume, 
it may be that the statement of Edge is not correct. If Hudson really found an island 
in the latitude of 71°, it was doubtless Jan Mayen; whose discovery is attributed to 
the Dutch, as having been made four years later by the navigator whose name it bears. 
" When the Russia (Muscovy) Company attempted to monopolize the fishery of the 
whole of the polar countries, this island was granted by the king to the corporation 
of Hull as a fishing station." — Scoresby's Arctic Regions, vol. i. p. 154. 


of the great abundance of whales in the harbors of 
Spitzbergen was derived from this voyage. 

Hudson went again to the north in 1608; and then, 
for some unexplained reason, entered into the service of 
the Dutch. 5 He was sent to the same regions by them 
in 1609. Hence it was as Heinrich or Hendrick Hud- 
son — a Hollander quoad hoc — that he made his cele- 
brated exploration of the harbor of New York, and the 
great river that gives to his memory so prominent a 
place in our annals. Sailing first to the North Cape, 
on the usual course to Nova Zembla and Russia, he 
suddenly changed his mind, and, with that eccentric 
boldness which belonged to his nature, directed his little 
vessel — sometimes described as a fly-boat, or yacht — 
across the Atlantic. The settlement of New Nether- 
lands by the Dutch, and the prevalence of their names 
and blood in that section of our country, are the conse- 
quences of this voyage ; forming another manifest link 
between the scenes and incidents properly connected 
with the present narrative and the planting of colonies 
on our shores. As a further coincidence, it may be 
mentioned, that it was in 1613 that the first buildings 
were erected on the Island of Manhattan, where now 
stands the commercial metropolis of this continent. 6 

5 The Hollanders were constantly enticing English pilots and sailors into their ser~ 
vice. Hudson's visit to Spitzbergen had probably attracted their attention. 

s N. Y. Hist. Coll., vol. i., &c; O'Callaghan's New Netherlands; Brodhead's Hist, 
of New York; &c, &c. Smith's History of New York, besides being wrong in the 
date of Hudson's voyage, has the strange error of representing him as sailing under 
a commission from the King of England, and afterwards selling the country to the 

" In most of the new branches of trade discovered by the English in the latter 
part of the sixteenth and the former part of the seventeenth century, we may observe 
that the Dutch followed close at their heels. This has been seen in the Russia trade, 


Hudson's last voyage, from which he never returned, 
was made, at the charge of members of the Muscovy 
Company, in 1610. Having explored the Bay called 
after him, and attached to prominent localities within it 
the names of Smith, Digges, Wolstenholme, &c. (his 
patrons), — which have proved less permanent than his 
own, — he was set adrift in a boat by his mutinous crew, 
and perished, it is supposed, by cold or starvation. 

After 1603, the Muscovy Company sent annually to 
Cherie Island for the mohorse, or morse (as the walrus 
was then called), until that animal grew comparatively 
scarce, and difficult to take : which might very well be 
the case, since Jonas Poole (the commander), in his 
accounts of these expeditions, speaks of slaying, at one 
time, seven or eight hundred of them in less than six 
hours ; and again, nine hundred or a thousand in less 
than seven hours. 7 Such wholesale destruction would 
necessarily soon exhaust the supply to be derived from 
the beaches of a small island. Accordingly, in 1610, 
Poole was sent with one of the ships to Spitzbergen, 
and sailed along the western coast to a point in latitude 
79° 50' ; to which he gave the name of " Gurnard's 
Nose." 8 His report of the " great store of whales, 
grampuses, mohorses, &c," to be found there, created 
so much interest, that he was appointed on a stipend to 

the north-east and north-west attempts for a passage to China, in planting America, 
in the circumnavigation of the globe, and in the East-India commerce." — Macphersori 's 
Annals of Commerce, vol. ii. p. 264. 

7 Purchas, vol. iii. p. 560. 

8 Gurnard, an acanthopterous fish, belonging to the genera Trigla (Linn.) and Prlo- 
notus (Cuv.); the latter being peculiar to America. — New Am. Cyclopcedia, art. " Gur- 
nard." There is a Gurnard's Nose at the south of England. The point near Plymouth, 
Mass., now known as the " Gurnet," was originally Gurnet's, or Gurnard's Nose. 


conduct vessels to the new fishing ground, and to prose- 
cute discoveries, with a commission as Grand Pilot. 

Four ships, with one hundred and seven men and 
boys, including six Bask harpooners, were fitted out for 
Spitzbergen the following year ; which is usually re- 
garded as the beginning of the British Avhale-fishery. 9 
Two of the ships, however, were to go thence to Nova 
Zembla, and prosecute discoveries. 

Of the two vessels remaining at Spitzbergen, one was 
wrecked, and the other overset and sank while lading. 
The crews would have fared ill but for the presence of 
a " Hull interloper," commanded by Thomas Marma- 
duke, which carried the men and a portion of their 
freight to London. 

Hull was, and is, one of the most active commercial 
towns in England. Its merchants were among the first 
to engage in the fisheries ; and, disregarding the mo- 
nopoly of the Muscovy Company, they sent their ships 
wherever the fish were most plentiful. 

There was, at this time, a class of independent pilots, 
who were ready to enter any service that offered the 
best pay. Sometimes they were in the employment of 

9 This is said to have been the first voyage undertaken expressly for that pur- 
pose. — Barrow's Chron. Hist., p. 226; Scoresby's Arctic Regions, vol. ii. p. 22; Purchas, 
vol. iii. p. 465. Of course, whales had been taken, long before, by the English; but 
not as a distinct and regular business. Anderson says, under date of 1593, " Some 
English ships now made a voyage to Cape Breton, at the entrance of the Bay of St. 
Lawrence, in America ; some for morse-fishing, and others for whale-fishing, says 
Hakluyt: which is the first mention to be met with of the latter fishery by any Eng- 
li-h. And, although they found no whales there, they, however, discovered on an island 
eight hundred whale-fins, where a Biscay ship had been lost three years before; and 
this, too, is the first account we have of whale-fins, or whalebone, by the English. 
How the ladies' stays were made, before this commodious material was found out, does 
not appear. It is probable that slit pieces of cane, or some tough and pliant wood, 
might have been in use before." — Hist, of Corn., vol. ii. p. 245. 



the Muscovy Company ; sometimes in that of the mer- 
chants of Hull ; and sometimes they conducted the 
ships of Holland, France, or Spain. Thomas Marma- 
duke was one of these ; another was Allen Sallowes ; 
and another, Nicholas Woodcock. They were all ap- 
parently skilful navigators, and familiar with the North- 
ern seas. Marmaduke was a discoverer; and, in 1612, 
went, according to Purchas, as far north as 82° in a Hull 
ship. 1 He was with the expedition of 161J3, as a ser- 
vant of the Muscovy Company. Sallowes had been 
employed by the company in their Northern voyages 
for twenty years ; but, " leaving his country for debt, 
was entertained by the Hollanders to bring them to 
Greenland for their pilot." 2 Woodcock had been Poole's 
pilot in 1610, but piloted a Spanish ship in 1612, and 
is said to have been the cause of so many Dutch ships 
being at Spitzbergen the following year. For that of- 
fence, he was arrested, and suffered sixteen months' 
imprisonment in London. 3 

There seems to have been a general rush for the new 
fishing-ground, by vessels of various nations, in the sum- 
mer of 1612 ; and it is remarkable, that the Dutch, who 
were the original discoverers of the country, should 
have been no less dependent than others upon English 
seamen for guidance. 

At this juncture, the Muscovy Company, in addition to 
their privileges derived from previous patents, obtained 
a charter from King James, excluding all others, whether 
natives or aliens, from participating in the fisheries ; 

1 Poole's Narrative (in Purchas), vol. iii. p. 714. 

2 Purchas, vol. iii. p. 466. « Ibid., p. 464. 


and lost no time in seeking to maintain their own right, 
and that of the English crown, to control this important 
trade in its Northern localities. 

The expedition of 1613, to which we have now ar- 
rived, was therefore fitted out with unusual care, and 
intrusted to the charge of some of the ablest men in the 
service. Besides the chief captain, Benjamin Joseph, 
William Baffin, and the author of our narrative, it 
was accompanied by Thomas Edge, who had already 
twice sailed to Spitzbergen. Purchas was indebted to 
Edge for the map of the coast inserted in his work ; 
and also for a summary of Northern discoveries, which 
appears in the same volume. Baffin was attached to 
the ship of the commander of the fleet ; and from that 
circumstance, apart from his personal reputation and 
the value of his scientific observations, his journal 
would naturally be the one selected for publication. 
The author of our account was in another vessel, often 
separated from the rest. He thus experienced a differ- 
ent series of incidents, or observed the same from a 
different point of view. Our manuscript has upon it 
no name to indicate its authorship. A leaf at the be- 
ginning, of which only a fragment remains, may have 
contained this information ; as a few words of writing 
are still left, showing that a portion of both sides must 
have been originally covered. The circumstantial evi- 
dence pointing to Robert Fotherby as its author, is, 
however, nearly decisive. In the third volume of the 
" Pilgrimes " of Purchas are descriptions of the country, 
and of the business of whale-fishery as there conducted, 
so similar in thought and expression to those of our 


manuscript, that they cannot have come from a differ- 
ent source, allowance being made for the alterations and 
transpositions to which Purchas habitually subjected his 
materials. In a marginal note, he says, " I have found 
this description of Greenland [Spitzbergen], with other 
notes, written by Robert Fotherby." 4 The reader of our 
narrative will be convinced that no part of it is bor- 
rowed ; the writer's personality being manifest in every 
statement or description. Some passages from Purchas 
will be given in the proper place, to show that the 
accounts are substantially the same. 

Little is known of Fotherby' s private history. He 
was the author of the narratives of the two succeeding 
voyages ; where the style very much resembles that of 
our manuscript. In the expedition of 1614, he and 
Baffin were engaged together in exploring the northern 
extremities of the island, and went in boats and over 
the ice as far as Sir Thomas Smith's Inlet; which is 
apparently the same as Henlopen Strait, although they 
supposed they saw the end of it at a depth of ten 
leagues. They took formal possession of the country 
on behalf of the Muscovy Company ; and Fotherby 
drew " a plat " of a portion of the coast, which Purchas 
omitted, on the usual plea of its being " too costly " a 
matter to engrave it. 

After this (his second voyage to Spitzbergen), Baffin 
went no more in that direction, but accompanied Bylot 
to the west side of Greenland Proper, where he ex- 
plored the sea since designated as Baffin's Bay. 

4 Pilgrimes, vol. iii. p. 472. 


In 1615, Fotherby was alone in the charge of the 
vessel detailed for discovery. 5 Being unable to pene- 
trate the ice north of Spitzbergen, he swept round by 
the coast of Greenland ; and, meeting with the Island 
of Jan Mayen, rebaptized it with the ubiquitous name 
of Sir Thomas Smith. He corrected some of Hudson's 
observations in that quarter, and made a map of his 
course, which Purchas failed to insert. As he is not 
mentioned again, he probably died without making an- 
other voyage ; leaving papers to which Purchas had 
access, and which he used to such extent as he found 
convenient for his purpose. 

The name of Fotherby is a rare one in England, and 
limited, so far as we have discovered, to one stock, seated 
in the counties of Lincoln and Kent. John Fotherby, 
of Burton Stather in Lincolnshire, had two sons (Mar- 
tin and Robert), whose children appear as of Kent. 
Martin had two sons, — Charles, Archdeacon of Canter- 
bury ; and Martin, Bishop of Salisbury. 6 As the arch- 
deacon is said to have had ten children, — of whom 
only one son and four daughters survived at his death 
in 1619, — it is possible that Robert Fotherby, the 
navigator, may have been one of the deceased sons, 
and named for his father's uncle. The evidences of 
classical as well as mathematical culture which his nar- 
ratives exhibit indicate a careful education and refined 
habitudes, that accord with such a supposition. As a 

5 Purchas, vol. iii. p. 728. Barrow, evidently by accident, has the name of Baffin, 
instead of Fotherby, in his reference to this voyage. In the years 1615 and 1016, 
Baffin was with Bylot at the west of Greenland. The error is repeated by Beechey. 

6 Berry's County Genealogies (Kent), p. 268. 


younger son in a large household, he would be not 
unlikely to enter the merchant service, and be trained 
to a seafaring life. The local influences of Kent must 
have had a strong tendency to excite a taste for mari- 
time adventure. Sir Francis Walsingham, the Sidneys, 
Richard Chancelor, Sir Thomas Smith, and Sir Dudley 
Digges, were all men of Kent by origin or residence ; 
and this local grouping of some of the most distin- 
guished promoters of naval enterprise favors the sup- 
position, that Fotherby may have belonged to that 
county. 7 

The manuscript journal, which we venture to believe 
was written by Robert Fotherby, is an uncommonly neat 

7 It is interesting to notice the family ties that united so many of these men of 
grand ideas and great undertakings. Chancelor was brought up by Sir Henry Sidney, 
and, on his recommendation, was emplo3 T ed in Willoughby's expedition. — Eakluyt, 
vol. i. p. 271. One of the daughters of Sir Francis Walsingham was the wife of Sir 
Philip Sidney; another married Christopher Carlisle, who anticipated Raleigh in his 
plans of colonization, and, in the same year that Sir Humphrey Gilbert went to New- 
foundland (1583), published a scheme for the transportation of a colony to this country, 
which he proposed to conduct in person. — Ibid., vol. iii. p. 228 el seq. Sir Philip 
Sidney was prevented from engaging personally in a similar enterprise, only by the 
prohibition of the Queen. Sir Thomas Smith and Sir Dudley Digges were kinsmen. 
The widow of Sir Thomas Smith married Robert Sidney, Earl of Leicester, brother 
of Sir Philip, and grandfather of Algernon Sidney; and his eldest son married a 
daughter of Robert, Earl of Warwick, one of the Council of New England. His grand- 
son married a grand-daughter of the same Robert Sidney who became the husband 
of his widow. The last direct descendant of this branch is said to have been Sir 
Sidney Stafford Smythe, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, who died in 1777. But the 
two names of Sidney and Smith — which, in later times, have obtained a united 
distinction in literature and in arms — were cemented, at that period, by still another 
alliance. A nephew of Sir Thomas Smith was created a peer of Ireland in 1628, 
with the title of Viscount Strangford; and the son and heir of the viscount married 
Barbara Sidney, a daughter of the same Robert who married Sir Thomas Smith's 
widow. The present (or recent) Viscount Strangford, Percy Clinton Sidney Smith, 
is the son of an American lady; his father, who was in the English Army during our 
Revolution, having married Mary Eliza, daughter of Frederic Phillips, Esq., of New 
York. — Berry's Genealogies ; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, 1847. We may re- 
mark, that the grand-daughter of Robert Sidney, whom the grandson of Sir Thomas 
Smith married, as above stated, was the " Sacharissa" of the poet Waller. She first 
married the Earl of Sunderland. 


specimen of chirography ; and the illustrations in water- 
colors are sketched with a good deal of spirit. The 
page is of folio size, with wide margins ; and the leaves 
are carefully stitched into a thick parchment cover. 
The map of Spitzbergen — probably the earliest of that 
island — is unfortunately mutilated. An effort has been 
made to restore the parts that are lost, with the aid of 
Edge's later chart in the third volume of Purchas. 8 At 
what time and in what manner the manuscript came to 
this country, is not known. It was formerly in posses- 
sion of Deacon James Green, a prominent merchant of 
Boston, who died about the beginning of the present 
century. His daughter, Mrs. Nabby Richmond, gave 
it to Benjamin R. Howland in 1808. From him it 
passed to Hon. John Howland, the late venerable Pre- 
sident of the Rhode-Island Historical Society, who 
transferred it to the American Antiquarian Society in 
1814. It has always been regarded with great interest 
by its various possessors. It is the story of a pleasant 
summer excursion to a region of perils, without being 
marked itself by any very moving incidents, or record- 
ing any exciting experiences of sufferings or hair- 
breadth escapes. 

The Muscovy Company did not succeed in maintain- 
ing an exclusive right to the Spitzbergen fisheries. In 
1614, the Dutch sent eighteen great ships, — four of 
them men-of-war, — which " stayed and fished per- 
force." In 1615, three armed vessels, belonging to 

8 Edge's map contains portions of the country, on the east side, which were not 
discovered till 1617. The map in the manuscript apparently embraced what was 
known of the coast after i'otherby's explorations in 1614. 


that hereditary telonarius, the King of Denmark, came 
to the fishing-grounds to demand a toll of the English ; 
which was boldly refused by Fotherby, although they 
threatened to shoot down his flag. 9 During the next 
two years, the company made little profit, on account of 
the competition ; but added to their discoveries Edge's 
Island and Wyche's Land, on the easterly side of Spitz- 
bergen. In 1618, a division of the coasts and harbors, 
for fishery, was made among the English, Dutch, Danes, 
Hamburgers, Spanish, and French. 

The inducements for a continuance of the trade by 
the Muscovy Company were thus greatly diminished, 
particularly as they had on hand sundry other branches 
of traffic which had become very lucrative. The larger 
mercantile enterprises of this period appear to have 
been managed by nearly the same individuals. In 1581, 
a number of eminent merchants were incorporated for 
trade with Turkey; and, in 1605, received a perpetual 
charter from King James as the merchants of England 
trading to the Levant seas. This corporation still ex- 
ists, under the name of the Levant or Turkey Company. 
Their ordinary returns are said to have been three to 
one upon the investments. In 1599, the Lord Mayor, 
aldermen, and principal merchants of London, to the 
number of about one hundred, formed an association 
for trade with the East Indies. This was incorporated 
in 1600 as the East-India Company, since so famous; 
and Sir Thomas Smith, who had been one of the lead- 

s' Letter of Fotherby to Capt. Edge (Purchas, vol. iii. p. 731). Edge himself claimed 
the credit of this denial; and says these were the first Danish vessels that ever came 
to that country, and they wore piloted by an Englishman. — Ibid., p. 4G7. 


ing men concerned in the Turkey Company, was ap- 
pointed its first governor. 

Although the first voyages of the East-India Company 
were not fortunate, they began, as early as 1609, to 
make immense profits ; ranging from a hundred and 
twenty-one to three hundred and forty per cent for seve- 
ral years in succession. It was in 1613 that they ob- 
tained a firman from the Great Mogul for a factory at 
Surat, and also equal privileges from the Emperor of 
Japan. Before then, although acting in the name of 
the company, each member took what venture or risk 
he chose. It was then resolved that all future voyages 
should be on account of the whole company. 1 

The attention of these merchants might therefore 
very naturally be diverted from the commerce of Spitz- 
bergen, becoming comparatively unproductive as it 
ceased to be a monopoly. Accordingly, a new combi- 
nation was formed, — consisting of a mixed body of 
English, Scotch, and Zealanders, the Muscovy Com- 
pany, and the East-India Company, — who undertook 
to conduct the fishery business jointly. But the ar- 
rangement was unsuccessful ; and, in 1619, the trade was 
assumed by four members of the Muscovy Company, 
the experienced Capt. Edge being one of the number. 
These individuals, after a year or two, were discouraged 
by shipwrecks and other disasters ; and the business, 
so far as any English companies were concerned, began 
to decline, although prosecuted by the merchants of 

1 See Pict. Hist, of England (National Industry), book vi. chap, iv., and book vii. 
chap. iv. ; and Anderson's Cliron. Hist, of Commerce, in loco. 



Hull, and other private adventurers, on their own ac- 
count. The fishery had come to be virtually free to 
any one who chose to engage in it ; and, not many years 
later, the trade was formally laid open to all adven- 

A description of Spitzbergen, condensed from Mr. 
Scoresby's " Account of the Arctic Regions," may suit- 
ably conclude these introductory notes : — 

" Spitsbergen extends farthest towards the north of any country 
yet discovered. It is surrounded by the Arctic Ocean, or Greenland 
Sea ; and does not appear to have ever been inhabited. It lies between 
the latitudes 76° 30' and 80° 7' north, and between the longitudes of 
9°, and perhaps 22°, east ; but some of the neighboring islands extend 
at least as far north as 80° 40', and still farther towards the east than 
the mainland. 

" This country exhibits many interesting views, with numerous ex- 
amples of the sublime. Its stupendous hills, rising by steep acclivities 
from the very margin of the ocean to an immense height; its surface, 
contrasting the native, protruding, dark-colored rocks with the burden 
of purest snow and magnificent ices, — altogether constitute an extraor- 
dinary and beautiful picture. 

" The whole of the western coast is mountainous and picturesque ; 
and, though it is shone upon by a four-months' sun every year, its 
snowy covering is never wholly dissolved. The valleys — opening 
towards the coast, and terminating in the background with a trans- 
verse chain of mountains — are chiefly filled with everlasting ice. 
Along the west coast, the mountains take their rise from within a 
league of the sea, and some from its very edge. Few tracts of table- 
land of more than a league are to be seen ; and, in many places, the 
blunt terminations of the mountain ridges project beyond the regular 
line of the coast, and overhang the waters of the ocean. The southern 
part of Spitzbergen consists of groups of insulated mountains, fre- 
quently terminating in points, and occasionally in acute peaks not 
unlike spires; but a low flat, of about forty square miles in surface, 
constitutes the termination of the coast. The middle of Charles's 
Island is occupied by a mountain chain about thirty miles in length. 
Along the northern shore of Spitzbergen, and towards the north-east, 


the land is neither so elevated, nor are the hills so sharp-pointed, as on 
the western coast. The central part of the chain of mountains in 
Charles's Island is a very interesting part of the coast. These moun- 
tains — which are, perhaps, the highest land adjoining the sea, which is 
to be met with — take their rise at the water's edge ; and by a con- 
tinued ascent of an angle at first of about 30°, and increasing to 45°, 
each comes to a point, with the elevation of about six-sevenths of an 
English mile. The points formed by two or three of them are so fine, 
that the imagination is at a loss to conceive of a place on which an 
adventurer, attempting the hazardous exploit of climbing one of the 
summits, might rest. 

" Some of the mountains of Spitsbergen are well-proportioned, four- 
sided pyramids ; others form angular chains resembling the roof of a 
house, which recede from the shore in parallel ridges, until they dwin- 
dle into obscurity in the distant perspective. Some exhibit the exact 
resemblance of art, but in a style of grandeur exceeding the famed 
Pyramids of the East, or even the more wonderful Tower of Babel. 

" The climate of Spitzbergen is, no doubt, more disagreeable to hu- 
man feeling than that of any other country yet discovered. Extending 
to within ten degrees of the Pole, it is generally intensely cold ; and 
even in the three warmest months, the temperature not averaging 
more than 34 1 - , it is then subject to a cold occasionally of three, four, 
or more degrees below the freezing point. It has the advantage, how- 
ever, of being visited by the sun for an uninterrupted period of four 
months in each year. But its winter is proportionally desolate ; the 
sun in the northern parts of the country remaining perpetually below 
the horizon from about the 22d of October to about the 22d of 

Note. — The illustrations attached to this document have been reduced about one-half from 
the size of the originals. 





In the moneth of May, 1613, seauen good ships, bound for 
Greenland, 1 were sett forth from the port of London ; being 
furnished w th vitualls and other prouision necessarie for the 
killing of the whale, and 24 Basks, 2 who are men best expe- 
rienced in that facultie, at the chardge and aduenture of the 
right worshipfull S r Thomas Smyth, knight, and the rest of 
the companie of merchaunts tradeing into Moscouia, called the 
Merchants of Newe Trades and Discoueries. 

In this fleet, Mr. Beniamin Joseph, of London, was cheife 
captaine and comissioner, — a man very sufficient, and worthy 
of his place. 3 A shippe called the Tiger, of burthen 260 
tonnes, was admirall ; the Mathew, of 250 tonnes, vice-admi- 
rall ; and the Gamaliell, of 200 tonnes, rere-admirall ; the 
fourth, the John and Francis, of 180 tonnes ; the 5 th , the 
Desire, of 180 tonnes ; the 6 th , the Anula, of 140 tonnes ; and 

1 Spitzbergen. 

2 The Basks, or Biscayans, had long been accustomed to capture a species of whale 
in the Bay of Biscay; and, as these became less abundant there, they gradually fol- 
lowed them into more Northern seas. They were among the earliest to pursue the 
fishery on the coasts of Newfoundland and New England. They were regarded as most 
expert in the use of the harpoon, and were also skilful coopers. 

3 Capt. Joseph commanded in two subsequent voyages. Purchas says he was slain 
in a fight with a Carrick (vol. iii. p. 716). 

286 archyEOlogia Americana. 

the 7 th , the Eicherd and Barnard, a piniace of 60 tonnes, in- 
tended for further discouerye. 

Wee came to Grauesend the 30 th of April, where wee staied 
but one tide, and then weyed anchor about 6 a-clock at the 
euening, and plied to Tilberry Hope, remaineing there all 
night. The next morneing, being the first of Maye, wee 
anchored againe in Lee Roade, where wee continued till the 
4 th of Maye ; the winde keeping contrarie to us, betwixt north 
and north-east. 

The 4 th daie, about 3 a-clock afternoone, wee entered into 
the Swaile at Quinborowe, 4 and rid at anchor ther till the 
13 th of Maye. In w ch time, — namelie, on the 7 th of Maye, — 
the king's ships came by ns in their retourne out of Holland 
from transporting the Count Palatine, and the Ladie Eliza- 
beth, the king's onely daughter. Before they came neare 
ns, wee caused our flaggs to be furl'd up ; and, when they 
passed by us, our admirall shott off 7 peeces of ordnance ; 
our vice-admirall, 5 ; and our rere-admirall, 3 ; and the rest 
of our fleet, ech of them, one. The Great Admirall of Eng- 
land, called the Prince, gave us 3 peeces ; and the rest of the 
king's ships, ech of them, one. 5 

The 13 th of Maye, about 9 a-clock in the morneing, wee 
came forth of the Swaile, and passed by the Sandes called 
the Spitts, holdeing our course north-east and nor-north- 

The 14 th daie, about noone, wee lost sight of 

ftom d Engilnd. Cromersheild, w ch is a cape on the coast of Nor- 
folke, and was the last land of England that we 
sawe, being outward bound. Then wee stear'd awaie north, 
maintaineing that course till the 22 d of Maye. 

4 Queenborough. 

B The Princess Elizabeth, who was destined to experience so much misfortune, 
was married to the Count Palatine, Frederic V., on St. Valentine's Day, with an ex- 
pense and magnificence before unknown in England. They were conveyed to Flan- 
ders in great state by the Lord-Admiral, the Earl of Nottingham, with eight of the 
king's ships, besides transports for baggage. 


On the 21 st daie, wee had sight of land againe upon the 
coast of Norwaye, before wee came to the Baye of Rosse, 
beareing from us east and by north, and distant about 9 
leagues, in the latitude of 61 degrees and 20 minutes, 'found 
by obseruation. Then, on the 22 d , wee directed our course 
more easterlie, as north-and-by-east and nor-north-east. 

The 21 th , wee were in the latitude of 67 degr. and 36 
minutes, where the sunne was in the horison at the time 
of midnight ; and, after that time, wee had continuall dailight 
dureing our voyage ; till, in our retourne homeward, wee had 
the sunne againe in the circle of the horison, when he came 
to the north of our meridian, in the latitude of 75 degrees, on 
the 2 of August. 

The 30 th of Maye, about 4 a-clock in the morne- 

.... -ip r>i~i lie ^ ee ar ' ue| i on 

mg, wee discned our wisht-lor coast or Greenland," 3 the coast of 


being all our ships in company ; and wee had bene 
but 17 daies at sea, — viz., from the 13 th till the 30 th of Maye : 
haueing sailed, according to the difference of latitude and 
longitude by an arch of a great circle, 500 leagues ; and ac- 
cording to the ship's way, by our account on dead reconeing, 
511 leagues. 

Then wee plied nearer to the shoare, and discerned the 
mountaiDes to be couered w th snowe : notwithstanding wee 
had no trouble w th ice all this while, as wee expected ; for it 
was almost all voided er wee came ther. Nowe wee coasted 
along towards S r Thomas Smyth's Baye, passing on the west 
side of Prince Charles his Hand, by reason of a barre that is 
betwixt the iland and the maine continent of the land, w ch 
hinders us to passe w th our ships that waie. 

The 1 st of June, wee were becalm'd on the south-west side 
of the iland, about 5 leagues from the shoare, where I ob- 
serued the north sunne at the time of midnight to be 11 degr. 
and 15 minutes high ; so concludeing the latitude in that 

6 Spitzbergen. 


place to be 78 degr. and 5 minutes (the sunne's declinacon 
for that daie being 23 degr. 10 minutes). 

The 2 a of June, haueing gotten a little more northward, 
and being on the west side of the iland, againe becalm'd, 
about 3 leagues distant from shoare, I and Joh. Wilmote, one 
of the master's mates, w th 6 more of our sailors, went ashoare 
in a Biska shallop, purposeing to kill some deare and some 
wilde fowle : and, to that end, wee took w th us such dogs as 
wee had in our ship,* — viz., a grewhownd, a mas- 

* The Mathew. , 

tine, and a water-spamell ; and two fowleing-peeces, 
w th shott and pouder. 

Wee landed upon a hard shingle, comeing close to the 
shoare w ,h our boat, ther being no ice to keepe us off; not- 
withstanding, upon 5 or 6 rocks neare the shoare-side, ther 
laie a great quantitie of ice, w ch couered them in such sorte, 
that the hollownes or distances betwixt one rock and another 
apeared under the ice like vaulted caues. After that wee 
were landed upon the shingle, the ice, or congealed snowe, 
was so high upon the shoare, that it withstood us like a strong 
wall to passe anie further: wherefore wee were faine one to 
help up another, it being more then a man's height in thick- 
nes, and haueing manie long isicles hanging in diuers places. 

When wee were up, and had gon about 2 roods, wee might 
p r ceave that wee were upon the ground, or sand ; yett could 
not well see it, by reason of the snowe. Then did wee look 
about if wee could see anie deare ; and presentlie espied one 
buck : whereupon wee dispersed ourselues seuerall waies, to 
gett betwixt him and the mountaines ; slipping sometimes 
to the midleg into the snowe, w eh , for the most parte, did 
beare us aboue. In our waie, wee went ouer 2 or 3 bare 
spotts that were full of flatt stones, whereon there grewe a 
certaine white mosse, w ch , it seemes, the deare doe feed upon 
at the first beginning of their somer ; for theise spotts were 
full of their ordure : and, besides, wee then sawe not any 
other thing for them to liue on. 


Before that wee came neare the buck w ch wee first espied, 
wee sawe 1 more not farre from him, and 2 in another place ; 
and therfore wee hounded at the fairest heard: but then they 
came all one waie together, and (avoideing all circumstances) 
wee kil'd three of them, being all bucks, w ch wee found then 
to be but pore rascals, yet verie good meat, as wee presentlie 
made tryall, and tasted. For, finding ther (as tber is in all 
places of the countrye) great store of driftwood, w ch the sea 
bestowes on the barren land, and being also well prouided 
of hunter's sauce, wee made a fier, and broiled some of our 
venison, and did eat therof w th verie good appetites ; much 
like to that, in Virgil, of ^Eneas and his companions : — 

"Ac primum silici scintillam excudit Achates * * Master's mate. 

Suscepitq. ignem lignis ; " f t Folia enim 

. ' nulla cadunt, 

Pars in frusta secant, verubusque% trementia ngunt. ubiestneq. 

flos nee arbos. 

Turn victu reuocamus vires." % Wooden spitts. 

Being thus well refreshed, wee were willing to have killed 
more venison, because wee needed not to use much labour in 
hunteing for our game ; for the deare that had latelie escaped 
us were not gon farre from us. But the aire began to be so 
thick and foggie, that wee aduised better to goe presentlie 
a-board w th that w ch wee had alreadie gotten, least that the 
fog, increaseing, might have made us loose sight of our ship : 
therfore wee made speedie waie towards her, and came 
aboard about 11 a-clock before the time of midnight. 

Then wee continued still becalm'd till the next morning, 
and then were so befriended w th a fresh gale of winde, that 
wee sailed to the north end of the iland w" 1 a flowen sheat ; 
and, makeing manie boards, wee plied into S r Tho. Smyth's 
Baye, where wee anchored about 8 a-clock that 

Wee harboured 

euenin°\ „ in ?r r li - 

& Smyth's Baye. 

When wee were come to an anchor, then the 
Basks, our whale-strikers, went presentlie back againe to 



the Foreland 7 w th their shallops, ther to attend the coroeing-in 
of the whales ; and, when our men had taken some rest, they 
carried ashoare our coppers, cask, and other prouisions for 
makeing of oile, and prepared all things readie for use as 
speedilie as wee could. For newes was brought us in the 
morneing, that the Basks had kil'd a whale : therefore wee 
hasted to sett up our fournaces and coppers, and presentlie 
began work; w eh wee continued (God be thanked), without 
anie want of whales, till our voyage was made ; not receaue- 
ing anie intermission of rest but onelie on the Saboth daie. 
For, when some slept, others wrought ; and, haueing a con- 
tinuall daie, wee alowed no time of night for all men to 
sleepe at once, but maintained work from Sundaye about 5 
a-clock, afternoone, till Saturdaye at 12 a-clock in time of 
midnight ; dureing w ch time our men receaued no other re- 
creation from work and sleepe but onelie the time of eateing 
their meat, whereof they had sufficient, thrice in every 24 
howers : besides, some of them had alowed aquauitse at ech 
4 howers' end. 

The next daie after that wee came into harbour, word was 
brought to our generall from Green Harbour (a place where 3 
ships of our fleet put in to make their voyage), that 5 ships, 
French and Spanish, were come into Ice Sound, and intended 
ther to fish for the whale : upon w eh occasion, the Tiger, our 
admirall, weyed anchor the 5 th of June, and, being well man'd 
w th 60 sufficient men, went out of harbour from us towards 
Ice Sound; where, when he came, he found the aforesaid ships 
according to the information, and anchored close by them. 
Then he hailed the captaines and masters of theise ships 
to come presentlie aboard him : w ch they performeing ac- 
cordinglie, he shewed them the king's ma tta patent graunted 
to the Merchants of Newe Trades and Discoueries, and ther- 
withall his coiiiission ; forbidding them, by the authoritie 

7 The northern extremity of Prince Charles's Island. 


therof, to make anie longer aboad ther, or in anie parte of 
the country, at their perills. Whereupon they, not knowing 
howe to remedie themselves, did all promise to departe, de- 
sireing a note from our general wherby they might certefie 
their setters-forth that they had bene in the countrye ; except 
one ship of Burdeux, called the Jaques, wherof was maister, 
Peirce de Siluator, who was permitted to staie upon condition 
that he should first kill 8 whales for us, and then to kill more 
what he could for himself. And, by this conclusion, he made 
a good voyage : for he kil'd 12 whales in all ; whereof wee 
had 8, and he had 4. 

Then did our admirall continue as a wafter alongst the 
coast till the 27 th of June, and then he came to us againe into 
S r Thomas Smyth's Baye. In w ch time of his absence, he had 
mett w th 17 ships ; viz., 4 of Holland, 2 of Dunkerk, 4 of St. 
John de Luz, and 7 of St. Sebastian's. The commanders of 
all those ships had submitted to our general, and were con- 
tent either to departe out of the country, or els to staie upon 
such condicons as he propounded unto them. 

On the 8 of June, about 11 a-clock before the time of mid- 
night, Mr. Marmaduke 8 — who was captaine of our vice- 
admirall — and I, w th 6 or 7 sailers, went in a shallop to 
the beach at the Barre, marked w th o, 9 to cause our men 
gather driftwood together, and laie it readie at the water- 
side to lade a small Flemish fiieboat that was to come hither 
to fetch it. Upon this beach, wee saw lieing ther, by our 
estimacon, neare 300 morses, at the verie pointe or end of 
it ; but wee would not goe too neare them for disturbing 
them. When the fiieboat was come to take in the wood, 
Mr. Marmaduke and I came awaie in the shallop ; and haueing 
present occasion to use a peice of straight timber about our 

8 Thomas Marmaduke (see ante, p. 274). 

a The Bar may be seen upon the map ; but the letter a is wanting. 


crane, before the flieboat could be laded, wee caused the 
men that rowed the shallop to towe a tree after them. 
Nowe, when wee had put off a little from the shoare, ther 
came 5 or G morses swimming hard by us and about us ; 
some of them coming so neare the sterne of the bote, that 
we called for our launces, purposeing to strike them. They 
would diuers times laie their teeth' upon the tree w ch wee 
towed (as it were, scratching the wood w th their teeth) ; 
but wee still rowed awaie, and at length they left us. 
Then wee passed thorow a great deale of small ice, and 
sawe, upon some peices, two morses ; and upon some, one ; 
and also diuers seales, layeing upon peices of ice. 
A«tormein ^he -^' h °f J une > wee had a verie great storme, 

hav our. — q^q winde being at south-south-west, — w ch was 
like to have driuen our ships upon the shoare ; and, haueing 
3 dead whales floating at the sternes of our ships, wee were 
glad to cutt the hausers that they were tyed in, and to lett 
them driue a shoare, because wee feared otherwise that they 
would haue caused our ships either to break their cables 
or to haile home their anchors, and so be driuen upon the 
shoare. When the storme ceast, haueing continued about 
6 howers, the water fell from the shoare ; and wee sawe 
two of the whales lie cast upon the shoare, and the water 
falne from them againe. The third whale was driuen further 
off; but wee found him againe cast also upon the shoare, 
haueing lost almost all his finnes 1 out of his mouth. Ther 
was also, at the same time, 5 whales' heads driuen ashoare, 
Av th toungs and finnes in them ; whereby some labour was 
saued, w ch should otherwise haue bene bestowed about hailing 
them ashoare for the cutting-out of the finnes. 

The 21 8t of June, ther came a white beare downe from the 
mountaines, and took into Fresh -water Baye; w ch is the water 

1 Whaltbone, then called whale's fins. 


you see marked w a e, w th in S" Thomas Smyth's Baye: 2 and 
Thomas Wilkinson, one of the master's mates in the Mathew, 
vice-admiral, went forth in a shallop, and shott him w th a 
peece as he was swimming, and kil'd him, and brought 
him to the shoare. 

In this harbour, ther haue bene killed more whales than 
in anie other, but verie fewe deare ; notwithstanding ther 
hath bene slaine in the country, this voyage, about 400 
deare. "Wee kil'd very fewe morses, by reason the whales 
came in so fast that wee could not haue a fitt oportunitie 
to goe about that buisines ; although ther was said to be, 
at one time, about 500 morses upon the beach before men- 
cioned : to w ch place wee went, prepared for their slaughter, 
the sixt of Julie ; and found ther but about 40, whereof were 
killed 32 ; and wee took their hides, their fat, and their teeth. 

Wee killed also good store of wilde fowle ; as wilde-geese, 
culuerdumes, willocks, and such like ; and some white land- 
partridges. Wee caught manie young foxes, w* wee made 
as tame and familiar as spaniell-whelpes. I brought one 
of them out of the country, till wee came on the coast of 
England ; and then he died. 

On the 24 th of June, the Mathew began to take in hir 
ladeing ; and was fullie fraighted the 6 th of July w th 184 
tonnes of oyle, and 5,000 finnes, w ch were in 100 bundles, 
ech containeing 50. 

On the 8 th of July, the Mathewe, and the Rich- „ 

^ ' ' Wee weyed 

ard and Barnard (w ch was also laded w th oyle and a gr C Th r °sm° f 
finnes), weyed anchor forth of S r Tho. Smyth's Ba>e " 
Baye, w th purpose to come presentlie for England ; and the 
Tiger, our admiral, came also forth w th us to waft us alongst 
the coast of Greenland. 3 But, putting into Bel Sound the 

2 The position here referred to belonged to a part of the map that was mutilated ; 
and, although the outline has been restored, the locality above mentioned cannot be 
precisely indicated. 

3 By Greenland, in this narrative, is always meant Spilzbergen. 


11 th of July, expecting to finde some strangers ther, wee 
espied accordinglie 5 ships at anchor on the west side 
of Joseph's Bay. One of them seemed unto us to be a 
verie great ship ; as, indeed, she was : and other two of 
them seemed also to be good stowt ships. And therefore 
wee, supposing them to be such as would withstand us, 
resolued to feight w th them ; and made speedie preparation 
accordinglie, hanging out our waist-cloths and clearing our 
decks, that the ordnance might haue roome to plaie ; and 
made readie all our munition, ech one addressing himself 
w th a forward resolucon to performe a man's parte so well 
as he could. 

This was about 9 a-clock before the time of midnight, the 
sunne shineing very bright, and the aire being very cleare, 
and so calme, that wee caused ye saylers, w th boats and 
shallops, to rowe ahead of our ships, and towe them into 
the harbour. When wee came neare them, the captaine 
of the great ship, whose name was Michael de Aristega 
(his ship being of S' John de Luz, of burthen 800 tonnes), 
came in a shallop abord our admirall, submitting himself 
and his goods unto our generall ; and tould him that ther 
were two ships of the Hollanders, who had insulted ouer 
him, and would not suffer him to fish for the whale, but 
upon such condicons as they propounded unto him: namely, 
that the Hollanders, haueing but 3 shallops, and he 7 fur- 
nished w" 1 whale-strikers, they should all ioine together ; 
and the Hollanders not onelie to haue the one-half of all 
the whales that should be kil'd, but also to haue the first 
whale that was stricken wholie to themselues, ouer and 
besides the half of the rest. And he further tould the 
general, that the Hollanders would haue persuaded him to 
combine w th them against us, and to beate us out of the 
countrye. Then the generall willed him to goe aboard 
againe of his owne ship, and keepe his men in quietnes, 
and he would deale well enough w th the Hollanders. So, 


passing further on, they were knowen to be 2 ships of 
Amsterdam, w ctl our aclmirall had formerlie mett withall, 
and dischardged to staie in ye country. Then, comeing by 
close to them, our admirall anchored on the one 
side of them, and our vice-admirall on the other againein 

Joseph's ISaye. 

side ; but they, as men unwilling to be depriued 
of the ritches they had gotten, allthough unable by force 
to hold them, kept out their flags, — the one in the maine-top 
and the other in the fore-top, as admirall and vice-admi- 
rall. Then our generall comaunded the maisters to come 
aboard his ship : w Qh they doeing, he chardged them w th the 
breach of their promise formerlie made unto him ; viz., 
that they would departe out of the country. Then, after 
some other speeches, he, not finding them willing to resigne 
the goods they had gotten, — as whale oile and finnes, — 
tould them that they must not think to carrie anie of it 
awaie, seeing that they did so sleightlie esteeme the king's 
ma* 1 " grant formerlie shewed them : therefore he bad, them 
goe againe to their owne ships, and they should haue half 
an hower's space to consider and aduise w th themselues what 
to doe ; and, if that they thought fitt to giue him further 
answer before the glasse were runne out, then good it were ; 
otherwise, if they would not then yield their goods, he would 
feight w th them for them. So ech of them went aboard his 
own ship, and, without anie long deliberation, caused their 
flags to be taken in ; and, retourning to our generall, yeilded 
their goods to his disposing. .Nowe, although it was intended 
that our two laded ships should goe presentlie for England, 
notwithstanding, it was thought fitting not to leaue our ad- 
mirall alone amongst his offended neighbours ; and ther- 
fore wee staied till the two Hollanders were gon, who 
(being dispossessed of some oile and finnes they had al- 
readie stowed in their ships, and also of some dead whales 
that were floateing at their ships' side) went forth of harbour, 
one of them the 15 th , and the other the 18 th , of July. 


The great ship of St. John de Luz staied still ; the cap- 
taine of hir being content that his men should hould on their 
work, and his whale-strikers to continue fishing, upon con- 
dicon granted that he should have onelie one-half of all the 
oile w ch he should make. 4 Ther were also in the same har- 
bour 2 small ships, — the one of Biska, and the other a 
Flemish flie-boat ; besides another little pinace, of St. John 
de Luz, w ch was on the east side of the iland, within L. 
Elesmere Baye, marked with b. 

On the 23 d of July, about 9 a-clock in the euening, wee 
sent forth 2 shallops, w th men, to goe kill some venison ; who 
retourned againe w th 17 bucks and does slaine : yet had they 
no dog w th them, but onelie peeces. And they brought also 
aboard the skinne of a white beare w ch they had kil'd. 

The 25 th of July, the Desire came to us into Joseph's Bay 
out of Green Harbour, and tooke in 30 tonnes of blubber to 
make up hir full ladeing ; for shee was to come w th us, one of 
the fn$t, for England. 

The 29 th of July, wee had some trouble w th great 

YYpg wore 

troubled w* ice ; the water being verie rough, and the winde 


bloweing hard at east-south-east, w ch brought some 
Hands of ice towards our ships, wherof some fell 'thwart our 
hauses : so that wee were faine, w th pikes and oares, to keepe 
it cleare of our ships ; and also glad to lett fall our sheat- 
anchor, to keep us from being driuen upon the lee shoare. 

In this harbour, ther was killed great store of venison, 3 
or 4 white beares, and some sea-morses, w ch the Hollanders 

4 Baffin says in his narrative, that the Holland ships would have fought if the 
Spanish ship would have stood by them. The apparent want of spirit of the Spaniards 
may be explained by the following passage from Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts: 
"The King of Spain is so cautious not to give offence, that when Greenland (Spitz- 
bergen) was discovered by the English, and some of his Biscay subjects repaired 
thither to kill the whale for oil, — being more expert than any other nation, — the 
king, considering what wrong was done to the King of England by it, and that it might 
concern him in the like case to have the Indies encroached upon, prohibited his sub- 
jects from going to Greenland to molest or hinder the English in their fishing." — 
ChwrchiWs Coll., vol. iii. p. 344. 


had slaine and flayed before wee came thither ; for ther laie 
their bodies, without either fatt, skinnes, or teeth. 

One thing more I obserued in this harbor, w ch I haue 
thought good also to sett downe. Purposeing, on a time, 
to walk towards the mountaines, I, and two more in my com- 
panie, ascended up a long plaine hill, as wee supposed it to 
be ; but, haueing gon a while upon it, wee perceaued it to be 
ice. Notwithstanding, wee proceeded higher up, about the 
length of half a mile ; and, as wee went, sawe manie deepe 
rifts or gutters in the land of ice, w ch were crackt downe 
thorowe to the ground, or, at the least, an exceeding great 
depth ; as we might well perceaue by heareing the snowe- 
water runne belowe, as it does oftentimes in a brook whose 
current is somewhat opposed w th little stones. But, for better 
satisfacon, I brake downe some peeces of ice w th a staffe I 
had in my hand ; w ch , in their falling, made a noise on ech 
side much like to a peice of glasse throwen downe the well 
within Douer Castle : wherby wee did aestimate the thicknes 
or height of this ice to be 30 fathomes. This huge ice, in my 
opinion, is nothing but snowe, w ch from time to time has, 
for the most parte, bene driuen of the mountaines ; and, so 
continueing and increasing all the time of winter (w ch may 
be counted three-quarters of the yeare), cannot possiblie be 
consumed w th the thawe of so short a somer, but is onelie a 
little dissolued to moisture, wherby it becomes more com- 
pact, and, w th the quick-succeeding frost, is congealed to a 
firme ice. And thus it is like still to increase, as (I think) it 
hath done since the world's creation. 

On Saturday, the 31 st of Julye, about 5 a-clock w 
after noone, wee weyed anchor out of Joseph's Bay, for E °e land - 
to come for England, — namelie, the Mathew, the Desire, and 
the Bichard and Barnard ; leauing ther our admirall the Tiger 
and the great ship of St. John de Luz. At 9 a-clock that 
euening, wee weare at sea, about 6 leagues from the land ; and 
then directed our course for Cherrie Hand, south-and-by-east. 



The next dale, being the 1 of August, about 8 a-clock be- 
fore noone, there came a shallop aboard the Desire, w th 11 
Dutchmen that belonged to one of the Hollanders' ships 
that wee had latelie sent forth of Bel Sound. The occasion 
of their so comeing was this : Six of these men had gon 
ashoare from their ship to kill some yenison ; and, landeing at 
the time of a high water, they made fast their shallop ; and 
so left her, safe enough, as they supposed, and went up into 
the land : but, when the water fell againe, the shallop was 
splitt upon a rock, and by that meanes they were forced to 
staie ther. Nowe, they that were in the ship, considering 
that their fellowes staied verie long, began to doubt of some 
unwelcome euent that hindered their retourne ; and ther- 
fore they sent 5 men more in another shallop to knowe the 
cause of their so long absence. When these men last sent 
forth came ashoare, they found the other men, who tould 
them the occasion of their staie. Then went they all aboard 
the shallop, and rowed towards their ship ; but the aire was 
growen to be verie mistie, and such a thick fog increased, 
that they could not by anie meanes find their ship : Avherfore 
they were faine to rowe to the shoare againe. Then followed 
stormie weather, the winde bloweing of the shoare, w ch caused 
the ship to haile further of to sea ; so that, when the aire was 
cleare, notwithstanding, they could not see her: wherby they 
were much discouraged, being in a place that could yeild them 
but little comforte. And thus they contynued 8 daies : in w eh 
time they liued w th the flesh of 2 bucks and a beare, w ch they 
had killed, — being eleuen men; and more they could not 
kill, because their powder was spent. Then, seeing our ships 
come by, they rowed fast, and came aboard of us. And so 
wee brought them into England, where they had some monie 
alowed them, for their work at sea, by the Company of Mos- 
couy Merchants; although (God be praised) wee never stood 
any need of their helpe : and so they were free to departe 
homeward, when they could gett shipping. 


On the 3 d of August, wee were about 10 leagues distant 
from Cherry Hand, but could not see it by reason of ill 
weather : the winde being contrarie, not suffering us to 
touch ther, ' as wee intended : therfore wee steer'd awaie, 
south-and-by-west and south-south-west, for England. After 
this daie, the sunne began to sett, and to be depressed under 
the horizon at midnight ; the nights began to lengthen, and 
starres to beare vewe. 

On the 16 th of August, Mr. Greene, one of the master's 
mates, died in the Mathewe, about 10 a-clock before noone ; 
and, about 4 a-clock in the afternoone, he was cast ouer- 
board, and a peice of ordnance shott of. 

The 18 th of August, about 5 a-clock in the morne- 
ing, wee fell w th the coast of Eno-land, and discried on the coast of 

° . 7 England. 

land about Huntclif Foot, w ch is northward from 
Scarbrough, on the coast of Yeorkshire ; and was the first 
land that wee sawe after we lost sight of Greenland. 
The next daie, about 3 a-clock after noone, wee 

, , . TTT . ' -r* i i • /> -i r Wee anchored 

anchored in Wmterton Koade ; w is b miles from in winterton 


Yarmouth. Then I caused the shallop to be taken 
out, and 6 sailers to sett me ashoare within 2 miles of Yar- 
mouth, where I lodged that night : and, haueing prouided a 
horse, I rid out of the towne the nest morneing at 9 a-clock, 
being Friday, and came to London at 3 a-clock af- T , 

o J i I came home 

ternoone, on Saturday; not haueing receaued anie tuLondon - 
sleepe at all betwixt Yarmouth and London. Our ships came 
up to Blackwall on the Teusday next after ; and, so soone as 
they had deliuered their goods, the other 4 ships of our fleet 
came also safe home w th their ladeings. And thus, by the 
mercie of God, we ended our voyage w ,h good suceesse. To 
God, therfore, be praise and glory for euer. Amen. 


A Breife Discription of the Country of Greenland, otherwise called 
King lames his New Land. 

Greenland is a coiintrie beareing from England northward, 
nearest upon the pointe of the compasse, north-and-by-east. 
The southmost parte of it is distant from the Arctique Circle 
10 degr. northwards ; namelie, in the latitude of 76 degr. 30 
minutes. This country hath bene discouered by the English 
almost to the parallel of 83 degr. ; w ch is but 7 degr. eleuatlon 
distant from the North Pole, and therfore but 140 leagues 
from that point upon the superficies of the earth or water 
(whither it be) where the Pole shal be our zenith, and the 
iEquinoctiall our horizon. 

In the latitude of 79 degr. (where wee made the greatest 
parte of our voyage this yeare), the sunne, when he entereth 
into the 1 degr. of Cancel', — makeing the longest daie and 
shortest night to all places betweene the JEquator and the 
Polar Circle, — is in his meridional altitude, or greatest dis- 
tance from the horizon, 34 degr. 30 minutes high, and, at the 
time of his comeing to the north, is still apparent aboue 
the horizon, 12 degr. 30 minutes. 

variacon of the ^ ie compasse varieth in this place from the true 
compasse, w. me^di^ or u ne f north and south, neare 20 degr. ; 
the north end of the needle inclineing so much towards the 

The nature and condicon of this country of Greenland is 
verie much different from the name it hath ; for I think ther 
is no place in the world yett knowen and discouered is lesse 
green then it. For, when we first ariued ther, — w ch was on 
the 30 th of Maye, — the ground was all couered w th snowe, 
both the mountaines and the lowe land, saue onelie some 
fewe spotts that were full of flatt stones, wheron ther grewe 
a certaine white mosse, w ch , as it seemes, the deare doe feed 


upon at the first beginning of their sommer ; for theise bare 
spotts were very full of their ordure : and, besides, wee could 
not see anie other thing for them to feed upon. 

The thawe began this yeare about the 10 th of June ; at 
w ch time ther began to spring up, in some places where the 
snowe was melted, a certaine stragling grasse, w th a blewish 
flower, much like to young heath, or ling, w ch growes upon 
moreish grounds in the north parts of England. And this is 
that wherwithall the deare, in a short time, become exceeding 
fatt. But how they liue in the time of extreame winter, when 
all is couered w th snowe, I cannot imagine. 5 Yet the meanes of 
their preseruacon is not more strange to man's capacitie then 
is their creation : and, therfore, wee must knowe that He 
who made the creature hath also ordained that he shal be 
fed; although, to our understandings, ther is not anie food to 
sustaine them. 

In the moneths of June, Julye, and the beginning of August, 
ther is oftentimes pleasant and warme weather ; but, in the 
other moneths, certainlie very uncomfortable. For the tem- 
perature of the winter time maie be iudged, by the qualitie of 
the place, to be extreame could, especiallie dureing that time 
wherein the sunne shal be altogether depressed under the 
horizon ; w ch , in the former latitude of 79 degr., continues from 
the 11 th of October till the 10 th of Februarye : and contrarilie 
it is eleuated altogether aboue the horizon from the 9 th of 
April till the 14th of August. The rest of the time is an in- 

5 Purchas, with Foiherby's notes before him, writes thus: "Greenland is a place 
in nature nothing like vnto the name; for certainly there is no place in the world, yet 
knowne and discouered, that is lesse greene than it. It is couered with snow, both the 
rnountaines and the lower lands, till about the beginning of June, being very moun- 
tainous; and beareth neither grasse nor tree, save onely such as grow vpon the moores 
and heathie grounds in the north parts of England, which we call heath, or ling. This 
groweth when the snow melteth, and when the ground beginneth to be uncouered: 
and on this doe the deere feed in the summer-time, and become very fat therewithal 
in a moneth's space; but how they liue in the winter-time, it is not easily to be 
imagined," &c. 


tercourse of long daie and short night, and contrailie of short 
daie and long night. 

The country afoardeth great plentie of fresh water in all 
places, w ch proceeds from the snowe ; and, therfore, ther can 
be no want therof at anie time : for ther is alwaies snowe, 
and (I think) euer hath bene since snowe first fell upon the 
earth. Besides, I found ther, Av th in S r Tho. Smyth's Baye, 
a very pleasant spring, neare the water-side, boiling (as 
it were), and workeing up sand, euen as our springs doe 
in England ; being as pleasant water as anie I euer tasted in 

The coiiiodities of the countrie, hitherto knowen, are cheiflie 
whales and sea-morses. The whale yeilds oile and finnes; and 
the morse yeilds oyle, hydes, and teeth of good valewe, — 
wherof he hath but two, and they growe in his uppermost 
jawe. Ther be also white whales, and seales, w ch wee thought 
not to be worthy of time and labor to kill them ; seeing that 
wee were imploied about the aboue-mentioned coiiiodities. 
Wee sawe very fewe fishes ther, or rather none at all ; saue 
onelie one cod, w ch was caught, w th a baited hook, in Green 
Harbour. But the Basks, our whale-strikers, doe saie that 
they haue sundrie times seene good store of salmons. 

Upon the land, ther be manie white bears, graie foxes, and 
great plentie of deare ; and also white partridges ; and great 
store of wilde fowle, as culuerduns, wilde geese, sea-pigeons, 
sea-parats, willocks, stint, guls, and diuers others, wherof some 
are as unworthy of nameing as tasteing. The land also doth 
yeild much driftwood, whales' finnes, morses' teeth, and some- 
times unicorn-hornes, w ch are supposed to be rather of some 
sea creature then of anie land beast. And theise things 
the sea casteth forth upon the shoare to supplie the barrenes 
of the fruitles land; w ch , by the Diuine Prouidence, hath suffi- 
cient to maintaine those unreasonable creatures w ch ther wee 
found ; but, by all likelihood, was neuer yet inhabited by anie 
natiues that beare the shape of man, — the country being alto- 


gether destitute of necessaries wherwithall a man might be 
preserued in the time of winter. 

I haue thought good here to sett downe what was written 
concerning this country by one of Amsterdam, that was this 
yeare in Greenland (w th whom I ther sometimes conuersed), 
as it is sett forth in printe by some of Holland, and (w th other 
things concerning this present voyage) is inserted in a late 
edition of Hudson's Discoueries : ■ — ■ 

" Hasc pessima et frigidissirna est regio mundi, undique rupes, 
montes, lapides: tanta ibi aquarum terrain innndantium copia, vt ves- 
tigia liominum non admittat ; maxima glaeiei ibi copia, tantaque mon- 
tium glaeialium multitudo, ut ab ipsa natiuitate Christi, concreuisse 
videantur ; tanta enim niuium abundantia, vt fidem superet. Ceruis 
abundat et vrsis, et vulpibus ; cerui plane sunt albi coloris. Admiror 
tantos eeruorum greges, vnde viuant, cum regio niuibus tegatur, et 
plane sit sterilis. Auibus luxuriat, maxime anseribus minoribus qui 
turmatim conueniunt." 6 

The Manner of Killing the Whale, and of the luhole Proceedings 
for performeing of the Voyage. 

The whale is a fish, or sea-beast, of a huge bignesse, about 
60 feet long, and 18 feet thick. His head seemes to be 
one-third parte of his whole quantitie. His finnes (w ch wee 
call whalebone in England) doe growe, and are wholie in- 
cluded w th in, his spacious mouth ; being fastened, and, as it 

6 The title of the book here referred to is " Descriptio ac Delineatio geographioa 
Detectionis Freti, sive Transitus ad Occasum, supra Terras Americanas, in Chinara et 
Japonem," &c. Amst. 1613. 4to. In it the above passage occurs as a quotation, in 
Italics, preceded by the following remark: " Ha?c vera esse, fidem faciunt testes ocu- 
lati reduces, etiam literse Navarchi Thomae Bonaert et Semmij, cujus hasc verba, sub 
finem, in Uteris ad patrem de qualitate hujus regionis." 

This Thomas Bonaert may be no other than Thomas Bonner, who commanded a 
Dutch ship at Spitzbergen, which was captured by the English, and sent northward 
for discovery, under Master Marmaduke. (Baffin's Narrative, in Purchas, vol. iii. 
pp. 717, 719. 



were, rooted, in his uppermost jawe, — spreading on both sides 
of his toung, in nomber more than 260 on one side, and as 
manie on the other side. The longest finnes are placed in the 
midest of his mouth ; 7 and the rest doe orderlie shorten more 
and more, both backwards and forwards, from 12 feet to less 
then 3 ynches in length. His eies are not much bigger then 

the eies of an oxe ; and his bodie in fashion round, w th a very 
broad-spreading taile, w ch is of a tough and solide substance ; 
and, therfore, it is used for to make chopping-blocks, to chop 
the whale's fatt upon (w ch wee call blubber). And of the like 

7 The description given by Purchas begins as follows: "The whale is a fish, or 
sea-beast, of a huge bignesse, about sixty-fiue foot long, and thirty-fiue foot thicke. His 
head is a third part of all his bodie's quantitie; his spacious mouth contayning a very 
great tongue, and all his finnes, which we call whale-finnes. These finnes are fastened 
or rooted in his vpper chap, and spread oner his tongue on both sides of his mouth ; 
being in number about two hundred and fiftie on one side, and as many on the other 
side. The longest finnes are placed in the midst of his mouth; " &c. 

The above extract, and the one given at p. 301, will suffice to show the resemblance 
between the descriptions of Purchas relating to these subjects, and those of this narra- 
tive. The inference appears to be a reasonable one, that, if Fotherby was the author 
of the notes used by Purchas in compiling his account, he was also the author of this 
narrative; as the similarity in the two is too great to be accidental. Purchas has not 
improved the accuracy of the statement by altering the figures. 



matter are also his two swimming finnes, w ch serue, at some 
times, for the same vse. 

The whale comes often aboue water, and will comonlie 
spowte 8 or 9 times before he goe under againe ; by w ch 
spowteing of water, wee maie discerne him when he is 2 or 3 
leagues distant from vs. When he enters into the sounds, 
our whal-killers doe presentlie sallie forth to meet him, either 
from our ships, or els from some other place more conuenient 
for that purpose, where to expect him ; makeing very speedie 
waie towards him w th their shallops. But most comonlie, be- 
fore they come neare him, he will be gon downe vnder water, 
and continue perhaps a good while er he rise againe ; so that 

sometimes they rowe past him : and therfore are they alwaies 
very circumspect, lookeing if they can discerne his waie un- 
der the water (w ch they call his wake), or els see him further 
of by his spowteing, being risen. Then, comeing neare him, 
they rowe resolutelie towards him, as though they intended 
to force the shallop upon him. But, so soone as they come 
within stroak of him, the harponier (who stands up readie, in 
the head of the boat) darts his harping-iron at him out of both 
his hands; wherwith the whale being stricken, he presentlie 



discends to the bottom of the water: and therfore the men 
in the shallop doe weire out 40, 50, or 60 fathomes of rope, 
yea, sometimes 100, or more, according as the depth requir- 
eth. For, upon the sockett of the harping-iron, ther is made 
fast a rope, w ch lies orderlie coiled up in the sterne of the 
boat, w ch , I saie, they doe weire forth until! they perceaue 
him to be riseing againe ; and then they haile in some of it, 
both to giue him the lesse scope, and also that it maie be the 
stronger, being shorter. For, when he riseth from the bot- 
tome, he comes not directlie up aboue the water, but swimmes 
awaie w th an uncontrowled force and swiftnes ; hurrying the 
shallop after him, w th hir head so close drawen downe to 
the water, that shee seemes euer readie to be hailed under it. 
When he hath thus drawen hir perhaps a mile or more, — 
w ch is clone in a very short time, considering her swiftnes, 
— then will he come spowteing aboue the water; and the 
men rowe up to him, and strike him w th long launces, w ch are 
made purposelie for that vse. In lanceing of the whale, they 
strike him as neare his swimming finne, and as lowe under 
water as they can conuenientlie, to peirce into his intralls. 
But, when he is wounded, he is like to wrest the launce out 
of the striker's hand ; so that sometimes two men are faine 
to pluck it out, although but one man did easilie thrust it in. 
And nowe will he frisk and strike w th his taile verie forcea- 
blie ; sometimes hitting the shallop, and splitting hir asunder; 
sometimes also maihmeing or killing some of the men. And, 
for that cause, ther is alwaies either two or 3 shallops about 
the killing of one whale, that the one of them maie relieue 
and take in the men out of another, being splitt. When he 
hath receaued his deadlie wound, then he casteth forth blood 
where formerlie he spowted water; and, before he dies, he 
will sometimes drawe the shallops 3 or 4 miles from the place 
where he was first stricken w th the harping-iron. When he is 
dyeing, he most comonlie tourneth his bellie vppermost: and 
then doe the men fasten a rope, or small hauser, to the hinder 



parte of his bodie, and, w th their shallops (made fast, one to 
another), they towe him to the ships, w th his taile foremost ; 

and then they fasten him to the sterne of some ship apointed 
for that purpose, where he is cutt up in manner as followeth : 
Two or three men come in a boate, or shallop, to the side of 
the whale ; one man holdeing the boat close to the whale w th 
a boat-hook, and another — who stands either in the boat or 



upon the whale — cutts and scores the fatt, w ch Ave call blub- 
ber, in square-like peices, 3 or 4 feet long, w th a great cutting- 
knife. Then, to raise it from the flesh, ther is a crab, or cap- 
stowe, sett purposely upon the poop of the ship, from whence 
ther discends a rope, with an iron hook in the end of it ; and 
this hook is made to take fast hould of a peice of the fatt, or 
blubber : and as, by tourning the capstowe, it is raised and 
lifted up, the cutter, w th his long knife, looseth it from the 
flesh, euen as if the larde of a swine were, by peece and 
peece, to be cutt off from the leane. When it is in this man- 
ner cleane cutt off, then doe they lower the capstowe, and lett 
it downe to float upon the water, makeing a hole in some side 
or corner of it, wherby they fasten it upon a rope. And so 
they proceed to cutt off more peeces ; makeing fast together 
10 or twelve of them at once, to be towed ashoare at the 
sterne of a boat, or shallop. Theise peices, being brought to 

the shoare-side, are, by one and one, draw en upon the shoare 
by the helpe of a high crane ther placed ; and at length are 
hoised up from the ground ouer a vessell, w ch is sett to re- 
ceaue the oile that runnes from it as it is cutt into smaller 



peices : for, wbilest it hangeth thus in the crane, two men doe 
cutt it into little peices about a foot long and half a foot thick, 
and putt them into the foresaid vessel ; from w eh it is carried 
to the choppers by two boies, who, w th little flesh-hooks, take in 
ech hand a peice, and so conveie it into tubbs, or ould casks, 
w ch stand behinde the chopjpers ; out of w ch tubbs it is taken 
againe, and is laid for them, as they are readie to vse it, upon 
the same board they stand on. 

The choppers stand at the side of a shallop, w ch is raised 
from the ground, and sett vp of an equall height w th the cop- 
pers, and stands about two yards distant from the fournaces. 
Then a fir-deal e is laid alongst the one side of the shallop, 
within-board ; and upon it doe they sett their chopping-blocks, 
w ch are made of the whale's taile, or els of his swimming- 
finne. Xowe the blubber is laid readie for them by some 
apointed for that purpose, as before is sett downe, in such 
small peices as the boies doe bring from the crane. And so 
they take it up w th little hand-hooks, laieing it upon their 
blocks ; where, w th chopping-kniues, they chop it into verye 
small peices, about an ynch and a halfe square. Then, w th a 
short thing of wood, made in fashion like a cole-rake, they put 



the chopt blubber off from the block downe into the shallop ; 
out of the w ch it is taken againe w th a copper ladle, and filled 
into a great tubb, w ch hangs upon the arme of a gibbet that is 
made to tourne to and againe between the blubber-boat and 

the coppers. This tubb containeth as much blubber as will 
serue one of the coppers at one boiling; and therfore, so soon 
as it is emptied, it is presentlie filled againe, that it maie be 


readie to be putt into the copper when the frittires are taken 
out. Theise frittires (as wee call them) are the small peices 
of chopt blubber, w ch , when the oile is sufficientlie boiled, will 
look browne, as if they were fried ; and they are taken out 
of the coppers, together w th some of the oile, by copper ladles, 
and put into a wicker basket that stands ouer another shallop 
w ch is placed on the other side of the fournaces, and serues as 
a cooler to receaue the oile being drayned thorowe the said 
basketts. And this shallop, because it receaues the oile hott 
out of the two coppers, is kept continuallie half full of water ; 
w ch is not onelie a meanes to coole the oile before it runnes 
into cask, but also to dense it from soot and drosse w ch 
discends to the bottome of the boat. And out of this shallop 
the oile runneth into a long trough, or gutter, of wood, and 
therby is conveyed into butts and hogsheads ; w ch , being 
filled, are bung'd vp, marked, and rowl'd by, and others 
sett in their place. Then is the bung taken out againe, that 
the oile maie coole ; for notwithstanding ye shallop is half 
full of water, yet, the coppers being continuallie plied, the 
oile keeps very hott in the boat, and runs also hott into 
the cask, w ch sometimes is an occasion of great leakage. 
Now concerning the finnes. 

When the whale lies floateing at the sterne of the ship, 
where he is cutt up, they cut of his head, containing his 
toung and his finnes, comonlie called wlialbone ; and by a 
boat, or shallop, they towe it so neare the shoare as it can 
come, and ther lett it lie till the water flowe againe : for, at 
high waters, it is drawen further and further upon the shoare 
by crabs and capstowes ther placed for that purpose, untill, 
at a lowe water, men maie come to cutt out the finnes ; w ch 
thing they doe w th hatchetts, by 5 or 6 finnes at once. And 
theise are trailed further vp from the shoare-side, and then 
are seuered ech one from another w th hatchetts, and by one, 
at once, are laid upon a fir-deale, or other board, raised up a 
convenient height for a man to stand at, who scrapeth off the 



Avhite pithie substance that is upon the roots, or great ends, 
of the fumes, w th such scraping-irons as coopers use ; being 
instruments very fitting for that purpose. Then are they 

rubbed in the sand, to dense them from grease w ch they re- 
ceaue when the heads are brought to the shoare-side : for, 
whilest the whale is in cutting up, his head is under the 
water, and his finnes remaine cleane ; but, being brought 
neare the shoare and grounded, then doth the grease cleaue 
vnto them at the ebbing or falling of the water, w ch is alwaies 
fattie w th blubber that floats vpon it continuallie. When the 
finnes are thus made cleane, they are sorted into 5 seuerall 
kindes, and are made up into bundells of 50, contayneing of 
ech sorte 10 finnes. These bundles are bound up w th coards ; 
and vpon ech of them ther is tied a stick, whereon is written 
some nomber, and the companie's mark sett : and so they are 
made readie to be shipped. 

Nowe a little concerning the sea-morse (of manie called the 
sea-horse) ; w ch , indeed, maie seeme to be rather a beast then 
a fish, and partakes both of the sea and the land. He is, in 



quantitie, about the bignesse of an oxe ; and his shape and 
proportion is best sett forth by the figure followeing : — 

Theise morses use to goe ashoare vpon some beach or 
pointe of lowe land, where the snowe doth soonest melt or 
dissolue ; and ther will they lie upon the sand, close together, 
grunteing much like hoggs, and sometimes creeping and turn- 


bleing one ouer another. They neuer goe farre vp from the 
water-side : and therfore the men that goe to kill them strike 
theise first w ch are next the water, that their dead bodies maie 
be a hinderance to barre the rest from escapeing; for they 
all make towards the water, without anie feare either of man 
or weapon that opposeth them. 

Theise also are killed w th launces w ch are verie broad- 
headed, to the end that they maie make the more mortall 
wound for the speedie killing of them, because they are so 
neare the water, and also manie in nomber; for, in some 
places, they will lie 400 or 500 morses all together. 

This sea-beast being dead, his teeth are taken out of his 
upper jawe ; and his skin, or hide, is fleyed of him, first on 
the one side ; and his fat or blubber, w ch lies next to his 
skinne aboue his flesh, is also taken off: and then is his other 
side tourned vp, and ye like againe done w th it. Then is the 
blubber put into cask, and carried to the choppers ; and by 
them it is chopped, and put into the coppers ; and ther it is 
tryed, and reduced to oile. 


A. — Page 33. 




Ralph Lane, Governor of the first English Colony 
in North America, was born about the year 1530, in 
Northamptonshire, in England. 

The family to which he belonged may be traced far 
back in the histories of Buckinghamshire and North- 
amptonshire. He was second son of Sir Ralph Lane 
of Oiiingbury, and of Maud Parre, daughter of William 
Lord Parre, otherwise known as the Lord of Horton. 
This nobleman was the uncle of Katherine Parre, who 
became Queen of England while her second cousin, 
the subject of this memoir, — the first American go- 
vernor, — was yet a boy. 

His eldest brother was named Robert, and, on the 
death of their father in 1540, inherited his title. In 
1557, seventeen years after the death of Sir Ralph 
Lane, " Mr. Ralph Lane " represented Higham Ferrers, 
in Northamptonshire, in the last Parliament of Queen 
Mary. It is hard to suppose that there was any other 


Ralph Lane, in that neighborhood, who should have 
escaped the attention of the county historians. But 
our Ralph Lane, second son of Sir Halph, never alludes 
to parliamentary service in any of his papers which 
I have read. The same person represented Higham 
Ferrers in the first Parliament of Elizabeth, chosen in 
1559 ; and " Ralph Lane," whom I suppose to be the 
same, represented Northampton in Elizabeth's second 
Parliament, chosen in 1562, and dissolved by the queen 
in 1566, with a rebuke for attending to matters with 
which it was not concerned. In the Journals of the 
House of Commons, in these Parliaments, his name 
nowhere appears as an actor or speaker. 

Ralph Lane, afterwards Governor of Virginia, says, 
in two of his letters, that he entered the queen's ser- 
vice in 1563. 1 I do not believe that this alludes to any 
parliamentary service, but suppose that he then entered 
some service at court. It is just possible that his mili- 
tary career then began, and that, in that year, he served 
in France, in the scanty force which Elizabeth sent to 
the relief of the Protestants. The earliest point in his 
career, of which I can speak with certainty, is his ser- 
vice as a soldier against the " rebel Earls " of Northum- 
berland and Westmoreland. This service is recorded 
by Strype, 2 who calls Lane " a great soldier in these 
times, that had served the queen against the rebels in 
the north, and of considerable abilities elsewhere, and 

1 " Having served her majesty these twenty years " (Manuscript Letter to Burleigh, 
July 9, 1583; Lansdowne Manuscripts, British Museum); and in a letter of April 4, 
1584, "at the end of twenty years' service about her majesty's person." 

2 Ecclesiastical Annals, chap, xxxiii. book i., anno 1574. 


of reputation with the Lord Treasurer [Burleigh], and 
Earl of Leicester." 

The rebellion spoken of was that of 1569. The two 
earls raised their standard of revolt on the 15th of No- 
vember. Sussex, Scroop, and Drury, Queen Elizabeth's 
commanders opposed to them, broke their force, and, 
through the winter, spring, and summer, made various 
raids into Scotland by way of suppressing this rebellion. 
" They took," says Mr. Wright, 3 " a severe, indeed too 
severe, a revenge ; " burning and destroying many vil- 
lages and castles. Many original letters and despatches 
describing this campaign will be found in Wright's 
'• Elizabeth ; " in the first part of the " Cabala ; " 4 and in 
Sadlier's " State Papers," edited by Scott, which devotes 
to it most of a volume. In these documents, a large 
number of the subordinate officers in the little armies 
are named. In Sadlier's accounts is a pay-list of all 
as low as the grade of captain ; but Lane was not of 
sufficient distinction or rank to be mentioned among 

Not long after this, we find Lane at court, in the 
position of one of the equerries of the queen. The ori- 
ginal service of an equerry was the attending the sove- 
reign on horseback when he rode abroad. Queen 
Elizabeth's equerries fulfilled this office in this original 
sense. He was, as it seems from a letter which I shall 
quote below, an equerry of " Leicester's band." 

In this capacity he received a commission from the 
queen to search certain ships of Brittany, reported to 

3 Wright's Queen Elizabeth and her Times. 4 From p. 163 to p. 167. 


be laden with unlawful goods, and to seize the same. 5 
This is the first of a series of court jobs, not of the 
highest character, in connection with which Lane ap- 
pears, — now as suitor, now as agent. The next year, 
he addresses a memorial, — of which a part, in his own 
writing, is preserved, — proposing a plan for keeping 
soldiers in readiness for the East. 6 At one of the 
entertainments given to the Duke de Montmorenci 
when he came to England, in 1572, "to ratify the 
league between France and England," Lane is named 
among those who " met at barriers at Whitehall " on 
the 14th of June. 7 

In 1573, we have a letter from him to Leicester on 
naval affairs, 8 and two letters to Burleigh about a Capt. 
Byngham, for whom he begs a pension. 9 On the 31st 
of August, when the queen visited Sandwich, his name 
appears. After an address from the town orator, " he 
presented her with a cup of gold of cli ; which Thomas 
Gylbart, son of the mayor aforesaid, received from Mrs. 
Spicer; and he gave it to the footman, of whom her 
majesty received it, and so delivered it to Mr. Rauffe 
Lane, one of the gentlemen equerries, who carried 
it." x 

I examined these several manuscripts in the British 
Museum and in the State-paper Office, in December, 

5 The commission is in the Domestic State Papers in the English State-paper 
Office, vol. lxxx. It is in Lane's own handwriting, corrected by another hand. 
s Domestic State Papers, vol. lxxxviii. The date is June 4, 1572. 

7 Nichols's Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, with a reference to Cotton Manu- 
scripts. Titus, E. x. (British Museum). 

8 Cotton Manuscripts, 71. Caligula, E. vi. (162). 

'•> Lansdowne Manuscripts, vol. xviii. 2. State Papers, vol. xcii. 42. 
1 Nichols's Progresses. 


1859. There is little of historical interest in them. 
Like all that I have seen of Lane's somewhat volumi- 
nous correspondence, they exhibit a wordy habit, and a 
disposition to put himself forward ; most of the earlier 
papers, indeed, being applications for service. But 
there is a practical vein in several of them, which im- 
plies that he was a more active soldier than most of the 
courtiers by whom he was surrounded, and perhaps had 
a feeling of contempt for the military arrangements of 
Elizabeth's parsimonious policy. 

In 1574, he entered upon a plan for gathering a 
regiment of one or two thousand men, to be under 
his own command, whose service he offered to the 
Spanish ambassador, " Anthony Guerasse ; " 2 proposing 
that they should be employed by Philip II., the King 
cf Spain, in the army he was raising against the Turks. 
The ambassador received the offer favorably, making 
good promises if Queen Elizabeth's consent could be 
gained. Lane then obtained the queen's consent by 
' : honorable friends ; " probably Burleigh and Leicester. 
She gave it, by letters dated Jan. 15, 1574-5, to Reque- 
sens, the Spanish commendator in Flanders, signifying 
her " liking unto the service." Leicester, however, ad- 
vised Lane to be cautious in his promises, but favored 
him so far as to write to Dr. Wylson, the queen's 
agent in Elanders, " that the queen's majesty, at suit of 
my very friend Rafe Lane, her servant, was prepared 
to grant him license, with certain English soldiers," to 

2 So named in Strype, — Annals, chap, xxxiii., where is an account at length of the 



serve as proposed. The letter closed by saying, " that 
though the matter moved him [Leicester] to like well 
hereof, yet the person also made him earnest for him ; 
and so much the rather, for that, being an equerry, he 
was (as Wylson knew) of his band." This letter was 
written the 19th of January. Strype gives, apparently, 
the whole contents of it. It is interesting to us simply 
as showing, that, in the personal relations and intrigues 
of that reign, Lane was then the friend of Leicester. 

Lane's own account of this transaction is in these 
words : — 

" First drawn on by mine own particular occurrences, hav- 
ing thought of sundry employments of myself by her majesty's 
license for certain 3 T ears, reason, and mine own affection before 
all others, recommended unto me a Levant service against the 
Turk, if the same from hence might by her majesty be favored, 
and of the King of Spain well entertained. Whereupon I 
made Anthony Guerasse to be asked his opinion, if a bulche 
of Englishmen, being of service for sea or land, or both, were 
offered unto the king his master from hence, whether the 
same would be well accepted with pay or not. His answer 
was directly, that, if the same might be with her majesty's 
favor, he knew assuredly that they should not only be largely 
entertained for their payes, but also otherwise most honorably 
used, and most heartily welcomed to the king ; yea, and would 
open a greater gate of kindness between these two great 
princes, her majesty and Spain, than yet there has been any 
likelihood of. 

" Hereupon in summer I entred my secret unto her ma- 
jesty, for two years' leave to seek my own aventure by ser- 
vice ; which in the end obtained by honorable friends. By 
the same means, I obtained her majesty's letters of the 15th 
of January, 1574, unto the cornmendador, testifying her ma- 


jesty's desired liking unto the service intended ; and assured, 
that my offers sent by the bearer of her said majesty's letters, 
with the conditions being accepted by the said commendador, 
the same should on my part with all sincerity be performed. 

" 'And thus much until the nineteenth day of January, 
1574 [1575, N.S.]. There resteth now for me to make my 
offers of the service, with the conditions, to the commenda- 
dor ; which offers will, of his part, be either refused or ac- 
cepted. If refused, then the matter is at an end, and her 
majesty's uttered good conceipt of me in this resteth without 
spot or blemish, &c. ; but, if the commendador do accept the 
conditions, then shall I be as able as willing, and both able 
and willing, to perform the same." 

The conditions were, " exemption of his regiment 
from inquisition ; authority from the king of absolute 
punishment of all offences committed within the regi- 
ment ; authority also to banish all our English rebels or 
fugitives [from the northern rebellion] out of the fel- 
ship of his regiment ; also for pay and impress ; lastly, 
for return in security of the same." The last clause 
appears to mean, that Lane claimed permission to 
abandon the Spanish service if these conditions were 
not fulfilled. 

An autograph letter of Lane's which I examined, 
now among the Lansdow T ne Manuscripts, 3 gives some 
further details. It shows that the queen gave him this 
permission, for " a trial of the amendment of his hard, 
past fortunes," to serve against the common enemy of 
Christendom. The whole tone of the letter shows that 
he was reduced in means, and was eager to obtain some 

3 Lansdowne Manuscripts, vol. xix. 80. 


remunerative position. But, in a long parenthesis, lie 
confesses that her majesty's late most gracious grant of 
sixty pounds a year, in reversion, " if I may be so happy 
as to enjoy the most benefit thereof, will give me very 
good mean to my great credit, and good sum in time to 
leave behind me satisfied the most important part of my 
credit " (that is to say, debts) ; but he goes on to inti- 
mate that this conditional grant would be of no other 
service to himself. The plan, however, fell through ; 
as, indeed, might have been expected from its cha- 

It appears that a rumor was spread that Lane meant 
to serve against the Prince of Orange ; which rumor 
was communicated to him by Atye, Leicester's secre- 
tary, one of his friends. The matter was undecided for 
six months after Lane wrote his memoir quoted above. 
Strype informs us that he then wrote again to Burleigh, 
urging despatch. But here the little scheme fades from 
history. There is enough detail to show that Lane was 
then in the subordinate service of an equerry at court, 
seeking to improve his fortunes by military adventure 
under a foreign prince. Leicester, so far his patron as 
to introduce him as " my very friend," did not look very 
cordially at the plan; but was ready, if he could, to 
help Lane forward in it. It was certainly, as Strype 
intimates, a delicate matter for a Protestant to be mixed 
up in. It was at the very moment when the commen- 
dator Requesens was pressing the first siege of Leyden. 
The English Government was thought by the Dutch 
cold towards them; and, in the summer of 1574, an 
Englishman, arrested in Holland as employed to assas- 


sinate the Prince of Orange, had declared, that, with 
Queen Elizabeth's consent, he had undertaken to per- 
form the same office for Count John, the prince's bro- 
ther. " This story," says Mr. Motley, " was incredible, 
so far as the queen was implicated ; but its invention 
indicated the estimate entertained, in general, of her 
sentiments towards the Netherlands." At such a time 
it was that Ralph Lane approached the commendator 
with an offer to serve King Philip II. , not against the 
Prince of Orange indeed, but against the Turk. He 
would have served under Don John, whose reputation 
for chivalry had been spread " throughout the world " 
by his brilliant success, two years before, at Lepanto. 

We lose sight of Lane, after this project, till 1576, 
when he addressed two papers to some member of the 
government, which are thus entered in the Lansdowne 
Catalogue : — 

" The suit of Mr. Ralph Lane concerning Bowyers, Arch- 
ers, &c. 1576." 4 

u A Dissertation on Military Affairs, by Mr. Ralph Lane. 
1576." 5 

The same year, June 15, he received " a patent for 
searching and seizing upon all gold, silver, bullion, 
plate, and jewels unlawfully transported, or intended 
to be transported, out of this realm." 6 

It seems to be to some difficulty in this commission 
that the letter alludes, which is thus described : — 

4 Lansdowne Catalogue, vol. xxii. 41. 

5 Ibid., vol. xxiv. 30. 

f ' One copy in the Harleian Manuscripts, Num. 698, 143; another in the State- 
paper Office. 


Sept. 9, 1576. — " Ralph Lane to Burgbley. Requests that 
his case may be heard at London, considering the heavy 
charges for the expenses of the witnesses in the country. 
Prays that the offenders of Lyme, who beat the piirsuivants 
and threw them overboard, may be punished." 7 

He was still at court in 1579. Of that year, we have 
two letters of his to Burleigh, — the first, a new scheme 
for improving the fortifications ; 8 the second, a plan "to 
encounter the Spaniards in Ireland, for which he offers 
his service, or else to have the queen's letters in his 
particular favor to the kings of Fez and Algiers." 9 In 
the first of these letters, there is nothing of a personal 
character. The second seems to imply that the efforts 
he had been making to acquit himself as a courtier had 
not very well satisfied him. He says, that, if the queen 
cannot employ him against the Spaniards (under Fitz- 
maurice in Ireland), he must beg Burleigh to get letters 
for him to the kings of Fez and Algiers. " For, in 
truth, sir (as to my most honorable friend I confess it), 
my ability doth so fail me as yet, that I am, for the 
present, far more fit for a camp than for a court, and 
especially for so gallant a court as this is like to be if 
Monseigneur do come." Fie alludes to the expected 
arrival of the Duke of Anjou. 

I have found none of his letters of 1580. In March, 
1581 (1580, O.S.), he "lays before Lord Burghley a 
scheme either for the queen's guarding herself against 
the Spaniard, or assisting Don Antonio with the same 

1 State-paper Office (Domestic), vol. cix. 

8 Lansdowne Manuscripts, vol. xxix. 56. The date is Jan. 26. 

9 State-paper Office (Domestic), vol. cxxxi., Aug. 16. 


levy of soldiers raised with pretence for the service of 
Ireland." x His zeal against " the Spaniard " is farther 
evinced the same year, by a letter still preserved, dated 
Oct. 24, 1581, to Mr. Herle, " desiring him to recom- 
mend to the Prince of Orange the raising of a new 
regiment from England." This letter was written at 
Richmond. 2 I cannot find that any action followed 
upon it, such as Lane desired. Among the Irish 
papers in the State-paper Office, however, Lane's name 
now appears for the first time. On the 8th of January, 
1582-3, 3 the Earl of Ormond wrote to Walsingham with 
some reference to the employment of Lane in Ireland 
in the making of some fortifications. Lane was still in 
England, however, poor and unemployed, on the 9th of 
July of that year. On that date, he wrote to Burleigh, 4 
asking to be empowered to carry out the alien laws, and 
to have the benefit of the penalties, paying a part there- 
of to the queen ; and the letter closes by asking for this 
service, or any thing else best pleasing to her majesty, 
in accordance to her majesty's most princely word sent 
to him more than a year before, " in the time of my 
hurt." He intimates that such a position may " coun- 
tervail, in some gracious measure, the consequence of 
my case ; having served her majesty these twenty years ; 
dispensed, as hath been often showed, £1,200; spent 

1 Lansdowne Manuscripts, vol. xxxi. p. 43. Don Antonio, Grand Prior of Crato, 
was one of the candidates for the succession to the throne of Portugal. He applied for 
help to his kinswoman, Queen Elizabeth ; but she refused him at that time. In 1589, 
an expedition was sent out, which failed entirely. 

2 Cottonian Manuscripts, Galba, C., vol. vii. 56 (141). 

3 State-paper Office, Irish Manuscripts at date. Mr. H. C Hamilton's admirable 
Calendar of the>e papers is now in press. 

4 Lansdowne's Manuscripts, British Museum, vol. xxxix. 27. 


my patrimony ; bruised my limbs ; and yet, neverthe- 
less, at this day not worth one groat, by her majesty's 
gift, towards a living." This shows that the gift in 
reversion never fell in. It appears that the queen had 
referred him to Burleigh ; and, in closing this letter to 
Burleigh, he says he had no other hopes but such as he 
has in him. 

It may have been this pathetic letter which obtained 
for Lane an appointment, about this time, as Com- 
mander of the South-Sea Castle, with a salary of two 
shillings a day ; or very probably it led Burleigh — 
always, it would appear, his good friend — to appoint 
him to duty in Ireland. He Avas in that country in 
January following, and was writing in a much more 
commanding tone. On the 31st of January, 1583— I, 5 
he offers to the queen a service of great importance, 
" and approved by the Lord-Deputy." This proposal 
encloses offers of service " touching the delivery of the 
English pale from the arrogance of the Moors," one of 
the Irish septs, " to be performed by James Moore, who 
undertakes to draw the whole sept into any part of 
Munster now uninhabited and fallen to her majesty." 
On the 20th of February, and on the 12th of March, 
Ave have tAVo memorials from him to the Privy Council 
regarding the " colonelship " of Kerry, Clanmorris, and 
Desmond, and the guard of those districts. There is a 
private letter to Burleigh of the last date, and another 
of the 4th of April, in Avhich he says, that, " at the 
end of his tAventy years' service about her majesty's 

6 State-paper Office; Irish Papers. 


person," he has chosen to employ himself in her deso- 
late kingdom of Ireland; and encloses two more peti- 
tions, of much the same tenor as the earlier ones of the 
same year. 

But at the end of this year, or the beginning of the 
next, his American expedition was determined on; for, 
on the 8th of February, 1584-5, we have the warrant 
of the queen at Greenwich to Perrot, her deputy in 
Ireland, and Wallop, that Lane's government of Kerry 
and Clanmorris is to be supplied by substitute, " in 
consideration of his ready undertaking the voyage to 
Virginia for Sir Walter Raleigh at her majesty's com- 

At this date, therefore, he had been invited by Ra- 
leigh to take command of the expedition in America, 
and had accepted the appointment. Although this is 
said to have been at the queen's command, he must 
have had some right to refuse ; for his appointment is 
delegated to a substitute of his own naming, in conside- 
ration of his " ready undertaking." 

The reader may well say, that, in examining these 
wordy documents, — most of them in Lane's own very 
poor handwriting, — I have given them much more 
attention than they proved to deserve. I found it 
necessary, however, in determining the character of 
the man, who, starting for America with one of the 
best equipped colonies that was ever sent here, failed 
so lamentably to accomplish the wishes of those who 
sent him. From two of these letters, the reader has 
learned that Lane had been, since 1563, in the queen's 
service; since 1564, near her person; since 1569, at 



the least, he had been a soldier of fortune at the court, 
eager for occupation. He is willing to serve Queen 
Elizabeth ; or, out of her domains, King Philip or Don 
John, on the one hand ; or, on the other, the Prince of 
Orange or the kings of Fez or of Algiers against them. 
It would not be fair, however, to say that this indis- 
criminate readiness for service ranked him in quite as 
low a grade as that of the " filibuster " of our time. 
The conflicting policies of Islamism, Romanism, and 
Protestantism, in that age, as in this, made strange 
allies ; and clearly there were reasons in 1579 to enlist 
an English soldier under the banners of " Fez and Al- 
giers " against the Spaniard, which did not occur to the 
same man when he volunteered in 1573 to serve the chi- 
valrous Don John against the Turk. Ralph Lane was 
a soldier. The policy of Queen Elizabeth gave no field 
for military talent or ambition at home ; and, as the 
custom of his time was, he sought foreign service. 

Most of the letters are those of a suppliant, and a 
very poor suppliant. They are written in the wordy 
courtier style of the day. But there often springs to 
light in them a glimpse of good sense, which shows, as 
Lane's later life showed, that he was a better soldier 
— in particular, a better disciplinarian — than he was 

Having been appointed to be the commander of Ra- 
leigh's Colony at least as early as February, 1584-5, he 
readily undertook that commission. His previous stay 
in Ireland, and Raleigh's interest there, account for 
some distinct Irish names in the list of settlers. There 
are so many of these, with a colonel of the Irish esta- 


blishment at their head, that we may safely say, that, 
with the first English Colony to this country, the " Irish 
exodus " began. 6 

In Dr. Hawks's elaborate " History of North Caro- 
lina " are collected the full narratives published, at the 
return of the expedition, of its successes and its failures. 
To illustrate the letters to which this Memoir is an ap- 
pendix, I have given a brief sketch of the history of his 
American administration. 

Lane had scarcely returned to England, when he was 
obliged to answer to a complaint made, that he and his 
nephew, Captain Robert Lane, who was his deputy, had 
neglected the charge of Southesaye Castle in Southamp- 
tonshire, now known as Southsea Castle. They an- 
swered the " information " in which this complaint was 
made, in a tone sufficiently haughty. " First, as for 
Ralph Lane, in truth, not coming thither at all ; being 
not unknown unto your lordships from the first day of 
his captainship of that place, appointed unto him imme- 
diately after the camp at Westilburie, he hath, besides 
his continual attendance here at court, been used in some 
service of her majesty abroad, the same of some note 
and urgence ; sufficient enough to disable him, upon 
two shillings a day wages, to give his personal attend- 
ance upon such a place." 7 

Although he was permitted to name a substitute in 
his Irish command, with the intention, apparently, that 

« Darby Glande, Edward Nugen, John Gostigo, Edward Kelley, Dennis Barnes, 
Richard Ireland, were among the settlers; all of them Irishmen, if we may guess from 
their names. In Lane's narrative, he speaks of Nugent as an Irishman, and of " mine 
Irish boy." The varied spelling is that of the original. 

7 Lansdowne Manuscripts, vol. xlviii. 

332 appendix. 

he should take a part of its profits, even in his absence, 
he did not take it again on his return. As early as 
May 21 in the year he sailed for America, there is a 
letter from Wallop, in Ireland, to Burleigh, intimating 
that " Kerry is too large for Mr. Lane." I am disposed 
to think, that, on his return, he remained at court. The 
preparations for the Spanish Armada began then to 
attract attention, and Lane deserved to be considered 
among those soldiers who had best experience in the 
queen's councils. On the 27th of November, 1587, he 
was present at a special council of war held to concert 
the measures of defence. It does not appear to have 
held any subsequent meetings. The members, as re- 
ported in Sir William Monson's " Naval Tracts," where 
the report of the council is published, were — 

The Lord Gray. 8 

Sir Francis Knowles, 9 

Treasurer of the Household. 

Sir Thomas Laken. 1 
Sir Walter Raleigh. 

Sir Richard Greenville. 
Sir Thomas Norris. 2 
Sir Richard Bingham. 
Sir Roger Williams. 
Ralph Lane, Esq. 

It will be observed that Lane is the only person 
among these military men who has not the rank of 
knight. This is a distinguished testimony to his re- 
putation as a soldier. He does not appear among 
either sea or land commanders, of whatever rank, in 
the defence of England against the Armada. On the 
14th of February, 1587-8, he laid before Burleigh a 
project for raising troops of horse. In his letter en- 

8 Lord Grey de Wilton, who had till lately been Deputy of Ireland. 

9 Sir Francis Kuolles. * Sir Thomas Leighton. 
2 Brother to Sir John Norris. 


closing this project, he speaks of it as " sette down 
in the tyme of my recoveringe healthe." 3 He served 
under Drake and Norris, in the unfortunate expedition 
with which, in 1589, they insulted the coast of Portugal. 
We find him next in a memorial which he addressed to 
Burleigh about a silver mine at Penrhyn, of which the 
existence had been disclosed to him by a " mineral- 
man " named Hugo Cant, of Prague. He says the man 
had made half an ounce of silver out of a pound of ore. 
Lane had offered a share in the mine to the Earl of 
Essex ; " of whom, by mine office, I have my depend- 
ency." In a former letter, he had neglected to tell 
where the mine was, and who the mineral-man was ; 
and he excuses his forgetfulness by pleading " my sim- 
plicity, and principally, at this time, some extraordinary 
grief, both in body and mind, that at the present I 
feel." 4 The date of this document is Nov. 8, 1589. 

On the 26th of December, he addressed a petition to 
the queen concerning the discipline of an army, the 
distribution of captives, &c. ; most of which is still 
extant. 5 The edges were burned in the fire at Ash- 
burnham House in 1731. In this, and in a subsequent 
petition to the queen, 6 whose date is lost, he alludes to 
his service in Portugal. In the last of these petitions, 
he offers three services to the queen, — 

" Being some recollections of his bookish discipline milli- 
taire, added to his experience, first, in his two years' travell, 

8 Lansdowne Manuscripts, vol. iv. 72. 

4 Lansdowne Manuscripts, vol. lxi. 75. 

5 Cottonian Manuscripts, British Museum, Otho E. xi. 414. 

6 Lansdowne Manuscripts, vol. lxviii. 59. 


by sea and lande, under the burninge and temperate clymates 
of the West Indies; and, next, of his observations in the late 
Portingall vo}'age ; of all accidents that happened in two 
several horrible landinges upon the Spaniarde, your majesty's 
violent enemye. uppon his owne soyle, armed and prepared, 
at lande and sea, for all resistance ; of a battayle fowght 
with him, and a kingdome marched thorowe, even unto the 
principall and royall cyttye of the same ; with other par- 

The three proposals are, — 

1. To defend Portsmouth and the Island [of Wight]. 

2. To establish " general musters " through England. 

3. For the defence of a sea-coast, with very little expense 
to the crown. 

I find no evidence that these papers attracted atten- 
tion enough to reward his pains ; but, in the year 1591, 
he was a suitor, almost successful, for " the Ramekins." 
The Ramekins, or Rammekens, was a castle in Walche- 
ren, held by Queen Elizabeth as security for the re- 
payment of her advances to the government of the 
Low Countries. Lane made application for the charge 
of this castle, with some success. It appears from 
Wylkes's letters to Sir Robert Sidney, the brother of 
Sir Philip, that the application was pressed so firmly, 
that the letters-patent conferring the charge upon Lane, 
were drawn out, and presented to the Council. Wylkes 
was himself directed to write to Sidney, to inform him, 
that, notwithstanding the disposing of the place was left 
unto him by his letters-patent, it had been determined 
to give it to Lane. When Lane's commission was 
brought before the Council, however, Wylkes opposed 


it, and it was rejected ; the Lord Chancellor, Hatton, 
and the Lord Treasurer, Burleigh, opposing it. 7 

Two papers which Lane sent to Burleigh about this 
time — one on the pay of military officers, 8 and one on 
the cheapest way of mustering and paying troops 9 — 
seem to have arrested the attention of this statesman. 
Before the end of the year 1591, Burleigh had obtained 
from the queen the grant for Lane of the office of 
Muster-master-General of Ireland. So far as we can 
gather, this office corresponded somewhat to the office 
of Inspector-General of more modern armies ; and, 
from Lane's frequent memorials, we judge that there 
must have been great necessity for it. Lane thanks 
Burleigh for the office 1 in a letter, which gives at length 
his schemes for it. These schemes are developed more 
at length in subsequent letters. 2 They even include a 
scheme of a militia, " for mustering and trayning of the 
countrey with more exactness, and far less charge or 
trouble to the people or gentlemen, than ever before 
hath been performed." 

His patent as Muster-master for Ireland was issued 
at once, and is in the State-paper Office. It does not 
come within the objects of this paper, already too long, 
to trace his career in Ireland, where he remained till 
his death. He seems to have been an active officer, as 
he was certainly a voluminous correspondent. More 

1 See Sir Thomas Wylkes's Letters to Sir Robert Sidney of June 8 and July 11, 
1591; Sidney Papers. 

8 Lansdowne Manuscripts, vol. lxv. 57. 9 Ibid., vol. lxvii. 46. 

1 This letter is dated Nov. 10, 1591. Lansdowne Manuscripts, vol. lxvii, 75, 

2 The letters of Jan. 7, 1591-2, and Feb. 7, 1591-2, relate to it. They are both in 
the same volume of the Lansdowne Papers as the last named. 


than one hundred of his letters are registered in Mr. 
Hamilton's calendar of the Irish Papers in the State- 
paper Office. In the course of this time, he was 
dangerously wounded ; was knighted by Fitz -William, 
the Lord-Deputy ; was charged with some impropriety 
in office, where he defends himself: and he continues 
throughout to present different projects for Irish move- 
ments, quite in his old soldier-like way. 

I print the letter which describes his receiving " the 
degree " of knighthood, as a specimen of them all ; and 
another memorial of the first American governor. It 
has some additional interest as a monument of the man- 
ners of the time. It appears that Lane might have 
escaped knighthood by leaving church before the end 
of the sermon. The letter corrects Oldys's erroneous 
statement, that Lane was knighted, on his return 
from America, in honor of his services as governor. 3 
Those services deserved no such acknowledgment ; 
and, from Lane's letter, it seems clear that his knight- 
hood was not connected with them. 

Mr. Ralph Lane to L. Burleighe* 

Eight Honorable my most especiall Good Lorde, — 
Wheras I have made an inscriptione, at the foote of my 
booke, of this halfe yeare's charge by my Lorde Deputie, 
now sentc unto your lordshipe, and therin ben boulde to 
remember youre lordshipe of a prqjecte by my selfe, sente 
unto the same before Michaellmas laste paste, of a certeine 
forme concerninge the musters, and recordes of the musters, 

3 Oldys's Life of Raleigh, published 1736. 

4 State Papers; Ireland. The clerk who made the indorsement did not know that 
Lane had received the degree. 


of theise garrisonns, fitt to be induced for the meetinge, with 
the grosse abuses, that, in the usuall manner, they are at the 
presente, and ever have ben heartofore, subjecte unto, for 
reasonns therin, and in my letre to your lordship, sett downe, 
it maye please your lordshipe to be advertised. 

That the scope of that my indevor in the duitie of that my 
charge of the musters then was, and still is, to make it not 
onely dificulte, but alsoe impossible, for a clerke of eny bande, 
upon whose sole oath dependethe at this daye the knowledge 
of the muster-master of the strengthe and weakenes of everie 
bande, to deliver a false musters, without beinge discovered : 
soe that, in my propounded forme, not onelie the clerke, but 
alsoe sixe severall personnes, in everie hors bande of fiftie, 
togeather with thirteene chifes of camarades, and, in everie 
foote bande of 100, eighte severall personnes, with 21 cheifes 
of camarades, are jontelie and severallie intrested to the 
privities, bothe of the alterations, entries, and vacancies, that 
ther can be no fraude undiscovered without a combynacone 
of the manie unto it ; which is impissible. That [yet] I doe 
assure my selfe, that, oute of theise garrisonnes, her majesty 
shall not hearby be advanntaged eny whit in checques, un- 
lesse her majesty shall have cause to sende at eny tyme an 
army over ; for that trulie the bandes are full : and it is the 
captaine's profitt to keepe them full whileste they lye in gar- 
risonne, for reasonns knowne heare to the worlde. And, when 
they are in accione of service, the soldiers themselves will 
muteny uppon theire officers, when, for theire full numbers, 
they finde theire watches to come oftener aboute then other- 
wise they should doe. Besides, one whole fourthe part of 
the standinge garrisonnes hear is exempted from checque, for 
cause sett downe in a view of the checques of the same, sente 
unto your lordshippe before Michaelmas laste, under Mr. Dan- 
nett his hande ; who now hathe lefte the place of my deputie 
clerke of the cheque, lettinge me to knowe that he coulde 
not discharge the same for lesse then four score poundes per 



annum, to be paide him by me quarterlie or halfe yearlie : 
which I findinge myselfe unable to performe to him and 
an other, that bothe cann and is bounde to discharge the 
place with all suificiencie, beinge, thoughe a meaner mann, 
and therfore the more fitter for me, yet bothe a verie good 
clerke and an auditor, on chambers bred up all his tyme 
under Sir Henry Walloppe, that hath undertaken it for a 
great deale lesse, I have deputed the place unto him, hum- 
blie beeseechinge your lordshippe's favorable allowannce in 
this behalfe, and that your lordshipe will be pleased to ac- 
cepte in good parte the two passed yeares' deputacone by 
me bestowed upon Mr. Dannett, freely and whollie in regarde 
of Sir Roberte Cicill and my Ladie Russell, their good lykinge 
severally signified unto me by themselves at the courte then 
beinge at Whitehall, that I should soe doe ; whome, as it be- 
comethe me, I was then, and contynuallie wil be, redye to doe 
service unto, to the uttermoste of my small power. 

And, touchinge the reformatione of the musters beinge a 
service at this tyme especiallie apperteyninge to my care, I 
woulde be more gladde of the good proceedinge of the same 
(and that onelie for my duitie' sake) then I finde my selfe eny 
waye happie in a late degree by my Lorde Deputie conferred 
upon me, thoughe the same partelie in his kindenesse towardes 
me, yet moste especiallie in your lordshippe's moste honor- 
able knowne favor unto me ; which, with all humble thanke- 
fullnesse, I acknowledge to the same : albeit, right honorable, 
scarcelie the honor of her majesty's daye, thoughe perhappes 
in this cuntrie it woulde not have passed withoute some im- 
putacione to me, coulde have made me have donne lesse then 
eaven that daye to have fledde from it in like sorte as divers 
dayes before in the eyes of manye I was seene to have done, 
and that daye likewise intended to have donne, if, in the 
middeste of the sermonn, I had not expreslie, and that pub- 
liquelie, ben sente unto from my Lorde Deputie himselfe not 
to departe the churche before his lordshippe had spoken with 


me, but that a certaine hope did in some measure edge me 
unto it ; which was to be by the countenance thereof hearafter 
in her majesty's service thoughte more worthie place of some 
comaunde to-showe (in my willingnesse to the same) either 
vertue or the wante therof in mee, then otherwise withoute 
the same jDerhapps I should have ben ; which, sithence my 
marryinge dayes be now spente, being the onelie use I looke 
to make of it, my moste humble suite to your lordshippe is in 
that behalfe (as occasions maye serve), either at land or sea, 
in this land or else where soever, to be therin furthered in 
your lordshipp's moste honorable usuall favoure unto me ; 
beseechinge the Allmightie to blesse your lordshippe with 
his favoure in a longe and happie contynuance amongste us. 
From Dubline the 1st of December, 1593 ; and rest 

Your lordshipp's most humble, Rafe Lane. 


To the Right Honorable my most especiall good lorde, 

Lord Burleighe, L. Treasurer of Englande. 
This at the courte. From Dublin, 1st December. [Signed only.] 

I add a letter from Lane, in which he alludes to his 
wound, at a time when he supposed that he might not 
recover. It was written at Kilkenny, from the castle 
of the Earl of Ormond, 5 and contains a curious view 
of Lane's property, prospects, and debts, at that time. 
I doubt if I could quote any single document which 
should throw so much light upon his condition and 

Sir Rafe Lane to Burgldeiglie? 

Right Honorable my most especialle Good Lorde, — Al- 
beit my recoverie is neither in myne owne feelings, nor, in 

5 Thomas, the tenth earl, the rival of Leicester, and opponent of the house of 

* State-paper Office ; Ireland. 


the opinyone of the chirurgions, soe hopelesse, but that, at the 
good pleasure of the Allmightie, the same is possible inoughe, 
yet beinge suche at the date hearof as I have certified Sir 
Eoberte Gardenor, I am moste humblie to beseeche your 
lordshippe's mediation for me to her moste excellente majesty 
(whome the Allmightie, in his infinite mercie for Christe his 
sake, evermore protecte and blesse) in that my humble suite, 
which I have requested him to recomend by a letter from 
him selfe to your lordshippe, touchinge the successione of this 
myne office of muster master, after my decease, to Sir Henrie 
Duke, whome I am like to leave in bondes for me : wher- 
unto in like sorte, and that onelie alsoe by your lordshippe's 
charitable mediacone, I am moste humblie to beseeche the 
Earle of Essex to afforde me his honorable consente ; and, 
by the like goodnes and pietie of your lordshippe, for her 
highnes' graciouse regraunte towardes the dyscharge of my 
Englande deptes, of Copley his landes, to my selfe and my 
nephew William Lane, and the captaineshippe of Southsea 
to my nephew Roberte Lane, and my selfe Avith the renuinge 
of that my pattente for the concealed landes and chattailles of 
fugitives and persons atteinted of treasonne in all oure thre 
[our three] names, for the satisfacone of myne and my nephew 
William Lane his deptes, incurred therby for me by the same, 
bothe to my kinsman John Durrante and others, which I doe 
finde myselfe in conscience greatlie burdened withall, yf I 
shoulde departe the worlde, and leave him and other poore 
men in [no ?] likelie means of satisfacone. And, right honor- 
able,.! am enforced, for lacke of an other suite, humblie to in- 
siste upon that myne oulde pattente, and even to make my will 
of that which was not given us, but dearlie boughte, by my 
nephew William Lane and myselfe, of Sir Edwarde Stafforde, 
for five hundred and fortie powndes ; which we fullie paide 
him within sixe monethes nexte immediatlie after the date 
of the saide letters pattentes, as his extante acquitannce to 
the pattentees is to be humblie presented to your lordshippe 


by my nephew William Lane. For the which charitable and 
moste Christian grace, sithence neither the supposed con- 
cealed wardes which your lordshippe, imediatly before my 
cominge over- into this relme [realm], graunted me, but all 
my moste noble frend his charges therin loste, neither eny 
grote for my adventure in the great prize restored unto me ; 
noe, not soe muche as eny penny of my principall : as alsoe 
without the same, whether I live or dye, I shall praie to the 
Allmightie for the contynuall moste blessed protecione of her 
majesty's moste royall personne, and for your lordshippe, to 
leave a perpetuall acknowledgmente to my posteritie, that, 
lyving or dyinge, I reste moste bounden to the same, as 
knowethe the Allmightie, whoe evermore blesse your lord- 

From Kilkenny, wher I am moste singularlie cherished 
by the Erie and the Countesse, the 6th of Maye, 1594; and 

" Tour lordship's 

" Most humble and most bownden," 7 


To the Right Honorable my most especiall good lorde, 
the Lorde Burleigh e, Lorde Higli Thresorer of 
Englande, att the courte this. 

It appears, from later letters, that Lane recovered 
from the wounds here alluded to ; but his strength 
was failing him. In 1595, he says the musters are 
too great for him. In 1600-1, under date of Feb. 4, 
the Lord-Deputy writes to Cecil, that " Sir Rafe Lane's 

T The words after "rest" are ail that are in Lane's own handwriting. 


extreme weakness unfits him for the place of muster- 
master." There is, however, a despatch of Lane's 
as late as 1603-4. Although we have found no pre- 
cise memorandum of the date of his death, I have 
no doubt that it took place in the year 160-4. Mr. 
Hans C. Hamilton, who has the charge of the Irish 
Papers, has been kind enough to examine them with 
reference to this point. He writes me thus : — 

" I have not been able to find any thing about Lane's death 
in our papers ; but in Lascelles's ' Liber Munerum Publicorum 
Hibernice,' part ii. p. 99, I find, ' Upon Sir Ralph Lane's 
death, by petition to the king, Fullerton showed the decay of 
his office of muster-master-general, and clerk of the chequer, 
by the diminishing of the army in Ireland, and craved some 
bettering of his entertainment in that respect : whereupon 
his majesty was pleased to grant unto him, &c.' A reference 
here to Roll No. 51 shows ' grant of the office of muster- 
master-general, and clarke, of the cheque, to Sir James Ful- 
lerton, kn't. 4 Jany. 3rd. Pat. Off.' Thus it is clear Sir 
Ralph Lane was dead before 4th January, 1605-6; which 
was the third year of James I." 

Failing to discover the time and place of Lane's 
death, I was unable to visit, as I had hoped, the place 
of his burial. In these closing years of his unsatisfac- 
tory life, he little thought that his only chance for 
memory in the after-centuries was connected Avith the 
failure of his expedition to America. I cannot find 
any mention of him in any contemporary writer, ex- 
cepting the brief mention of his return from the Colony 
which he did not plant as he should have done. He 
seems to have been an eager courtier, a bold soldier, 


a good disciplinarian, an incompetent governor, a cre- 
dulous adventurer, and on the whole, though not a 
worthless, an unsuccessful man. He had one chance 
for immortality. He might have been the founder, 
on this continent, of the United States of America. 
That chance, without any reasons of weight, he threw 
away. His Colony was, at the moment he deserted it, 
amply supplied by Drake with all that a truly resolute 
man would have demanded. Failing that chance, he 
never had another. The Muster-master-General of Ire- 
land sank slowly into an unknown grave, childless 
and forgotten. History has passed him by as he de- 
served, till the children of the American nation which 
he did not plant have explored the almost worthless 
records he left behind him, to try to find what man 
he was, to whom, by misfortune, Raleigh intrusted 
the infant fortunes of Virginia. 

Lane had never married in 1593, and probably did 
not marry afterwards. The county historians of Buck- 
inghamshire and Northamptonshire give us materials, 
from which, with those found in his own letters, we 
have constructed the following table of his genealogy. 8 
His own letters contain such allusions to his family as 
to make it certain that he is the Ralph Lane of the 
fifth generation named here ; but the county historians 
know nothing of his history, and do not mention his 
knighthood, as they should do. 

8 From Lipscomb's Buckinghamshire and Whalley's Northamptonshire. 



Gen. I. 

WILLTAM LANE, of Thingdon, = . 

Gen. II. 

William Lane,=. 
of Orlingbury, 
shire, d. 1502. 

Gen. III. 

1. Ralph Lane, Esq., 
of Orlingbury. 

2. William Lane, 
of Orlingbury. 
Will dated Jan. 
26, 1826 

Gen. IV. Sir Ralph Lane, Knight, of Orlingbury, =Maud Parre. daughter of 

Gen. V. 

b. 1509; d.1540. 

Sir Robert Lane. 
Kt , of Horton. 
shire, b. 1527. 

William, Lord Parre, un- 
cle of Queen Katherine 

1 r~ Mini 

Sir RALPH LANE, William Lane, d. Six daughters, whose 

2d son ; b. about in 12th yr of Eli- names after marriage 

1530; d. about 1604 zabeth. Succeed- were Turpyn, Pigott, 

in Ireland. Cover- ed by Peter, a lu- Wentworth, Mont- 

nor of Roanoke in natic, who had no gomery, Osberne, 

1585. Knighted in brothers. Fielding. 

Gen. VI. 

Sir William Lane, Kt. 

Sir Parr Lane, Kt. 

Sir Robert Lane, Kt. 








From, the Semi-annual Report of the Council to the Society, at a Meeting in Boston, 
April 25, 1860. 

In performing the stated duty of reporting to the Ame- 
rican Antiquarian Society its condition and its operations 
in the last half-year, the Council must first speak of sor- 
row and loss. No other topic can take precedence of a 
recent incident, which deeply affects the interests of the 
Society, — the decease of Samuel Jennison, Esq., of 
Worcester ; who, for twenty-eight years, has faithfully 
taken charge of the finances of the Society ; and, for a 
longer term, has zealously, judiciously, constantly, and 
punctually performed the duty of a member of the Coun- 
cil, and endeared himself to his associates by the purity 
of his character, the refinement of his taste, and the 
generosity of his disposition. Mr. Jennison died on 
the 11th of March last, after a short attack of pulmo- 
nary disease. On the 14th of the same month, at a 



Special Meeting of the Council, called to take notice of 
the lamented event, Hon. Ira M. Barton presented the 
following resolutions : — 

Whereas the recent sudden and lamented decease of Samuel Jen- 
nison, Esq., the Treasurer of this Society, and, ex officio, a member 
of this Council, who, with distinguished usefulness and ability, sus- 
tained various oflicial relations to this Institution, calls for an expres- 
sion of our respect for his memory, to be perpetuated upon our 
records : — 

Resolved, That, from a long and intimate social as well as official in- 
tercourse with Mr. Jennison, we unanimously testify to his refined taste 
and gi'eat erudition as an antiquarian and a general scholar, to his wis- 
dom in council, to his fidelity and accuracy in finance, to his virtues as 
an agreeable associate, and to his honor and integrity as a man. 

Resolved, That the Secretary be instructed to place these resolutions 
upon the records of the Council, and to communicate a copy of the same 
to the family of the deceased. 

These resolutions were adopted, after they had been 
seconded and enforced by very feeling and eloquent re- 
marks from Hon. Levi Lincoln, which received a heart- 
felt response from all the members of the Council. No 
one could, with so becoming grace, describe the merit 
of Mr. Jennison, as your distinguished Vice-President ; 
whose services of earlier date, and not inferior in value, 
seem to be refreshed and invigorated by the richness of 
his experience. 

Mr. Jennison was one of the oldest members of this 
Society. He held the office of Librarian from 1814 to 
1825. For three years, he was the Corresponding Se- 
cretary ; and, for an equal term, he was a member of 
the Committee of Publication. Though he was not 
of this Committee when the last volume of Transactions 
was issued, he contributed to that volume the pleasant 


Memoir, which is the Introduction to the " Diaries of 
John Hull." Though his own resources were always 
limited, he faithfully performed the duties of your Trea- 
surer, with a salary too- small to be deemed a compensa- 
tion, from 1829 till his decease ; with an interval of 
three years, when he declined, and Hon. Alfred D. 
Foster held the office. His lamented decease termi- 
nated thirty-two years of zealous and efficient service 
as a Councillor. But the loss of this Association can- 
not be measured by the advantage of the official labors 
of our friend, and the excellence of his " Biography of 
James Ralph," and other papers, which will yet be use- 
ful and honorable in the publications of this Society. 
In the enforced leisure of a slight decay of his physical 
powers, his life has been a course of daily contribution 
to the advantage of this Society ; and his extensive and 
accurate knowledge of biography and history was ever 
gushing forth for the benefit of any thirsty and wander- 
ing inquirer. 

Mr. Jennison was born in Brookfield, Mass., on 
the twenty-fourth day of February, 1788. His father 
was Samuel Jennison, Esq., a graduate of Harvard 
College, and > a member of the legal profession. Flis 
paternal grandfather was Dr. William Jennison, a 
respected physician in the same town ; where also re- 
sided his maternal grandfather, Rev. Nathan Fiske, 
D.D., an influential clergyman, and a ready and popu- 
lar writer on the topics of the day. Brookfield was 
then prominent among the interior towns of New Eng- 
land for its wealth and intelligence, and for prevalent 
habits of intellectual culture among leading adult mem- 


bers of society. There was in the possession of our 
friend an interesting evidence of this circumstance, in 
a book of the Records of the Minerva Society, which 
enrolled, and compelled to systematic mutual improve- 
ment, the prominent citizens of that town. Such were 
the influences which surrounded the boyhood of Mr. 
Jennison. At the age of twelve years, he removed to 
Worcester, and first received so much of mercantile 
education as could be had in a country shop for drugs 
and a variety of merchandise ; of which the proprietor 
was his uncle, Hon. Oliver Fiske, M.D., a man of wit 
and agreeable talents, and apparently capable of far 
greater success in the medical profession and in trade 
than he obtained from either. After two years of 
training as an accountant in the Worcester Bank, — 
then one of the two banks, west of Boston, in Massa- 
chusetts, — in the year 1812, at the age of twenty-four, 
Mr. Jennison was appointed the cashier of that bank ; 
and, with little assistance, he performed this trust faith- 
fully and acceptably for thirty-four years. In 1828, he 
assumed the additional charge of Treasurer of the 
Worcester-County Institution for Savings at its orga- 
nization ; and he was the executive officer of both cor- 
porations for eight years, and then withdrew from the 
bank, and devoted himself to the Savings Institution, 
where, as in all his life, he economized every thing but 
his own labor until 1853 ; when he resigned, and left 
the amount of deposits gathered under his popular ad- 
ministration at the large sum of $1,474,312. The bur- 
den of his cares in these offices cannot be weighed by 
the experience of the present day, when precedent, sys- 


tern, and the division of labor, have, in a great degree, 
reduced this service to an easy routine. In the official 
period of Mr. Jennison, the banks of our country ex- 
tended their operations, from a simple agency for loans, 
to weave themselves into the whole financial business 
of productive industry ; and he had the task to meet 
the exigencies of the change. These were heavy trusts, 
such as sometimes break down the physical and intel- 
lectual powers of men ; but they could not occupy his 
power for labor. For many years, at different periods, 
he was the Treasurer and the Clerk of the town of 
Worcester ; for ten years he was the Treasurer of the 
large and important State Lunatic Hospital in Worces- 
ter ; and he held other public and private offices, and 
always acceptably and well. The larger part of those 
who met him in his daily duties would describe him as 
a man absorbed in the material business of the day, and 
contented with its routine ; and they may wonder that 
the praise of scholarship is awarded to him: but he 
moved among men of business, though not of them, in 
a cloud of thoughts which were not their thoughts. 
His conscience was in his daily routine : but his heart 
was in the memories of history and biography, which 
he rejoiced to gather ; in truths of religion and philoso- 
phy, in which he delighted ; in the indulgence of his 
playful imagination ; and in the exercise of his ready 
and graceful pen in prose and verse, which he often 
contributed, for general entertainment and instruction, 
through the daily press, with a concealment of author- 
ship, which was the dictate of his retiring modesty. 
At different times, in the last month of his life, he pub- 


lished in this manner an agreeable notice of the family 
of Edward Rawson, the Secretary of the Massachusetts 
Colony from the year 1650 to 1686, in reference to 
portraits of him and his interesting daughter, recently 
deposited in the Hall of this Society by Mr. Reuben 
Rawson Dodge ; and also some pleasant rhymes on one 
of the follies of the day. 

In his intellectual traits, the late Treasurer was a 
type of the founders and most efficient supporters of 
the Society. Such men constantly demonstrate that the 
saying of the wise son of Sirach, that "the wisdom of 
a learned man comes by opportunity of leisure," is, in a 
double sense, apocryphal. The sublime thoughts and 
wise principles of action, announced by Plato in the re- 
tirement of the Academus, are disfigured by distempers 
of the judgment and the imagination, which the rough 
discipline of common life would tend to correct. John 
Locke had no deficiency of natural gifts and every sup- 
posed facility of learning, and only a want of " a street 
education," when he framed for Carolina the celebrated 
Fundamental Constitutions, to be " the sacred and un- 
alterable form and rule of government for ever ; " which 
have been justly described as " a vast labyrinth of per- 
plexing regulations," " unfavorable to human liberty 
and happiness." In the straits and fatigues of laborious 
life, the statesmen of our Revolution were trained for 
their arduous and successful task ; and the foremost man 
of our time gained and upholds his imperial throne with 
the suffrages of tumultuous France, and now exercises 
a more glorious supremacy — with the reluctant con- 
cession of the kingdoms and states of Europe — by 


wisdom and skill acquired in no opportunities of leisure. 
As all history shows that the exigencies of a people 
make and call out heroes and statesmen; so the expe- 
rience of individual life proves that the highest wisdom 
comes not so often in the opportunities of leisure as in 
the urgency of business. 


Amadas, Philip, 20. 

American plants, 121, 130. 

Antwerp, capture of, 260. 

Anderson's commerce, 252, 263. 

Appendix, 317. 

Archangel, 264. 

Archer, Mr., made Recorder of Virginia, 84. 

Arctic regions, account of, 282. 


Baffin's Bay, first exploration of, 248. 
Baffin, William, 275. 
Bancroft, Hon. George, letter from, 5. 
Barents, William : discovery of Spitzber- 

gen, 251. His expedition, 266. 
Barlowe, Arthur: extracts from diary, 6. 
Barrington's Miscellanies, 243. 
Barrow's Chronological History, 248, 273. 
Bay of Rosse, 28. 
Beasts of New England, 148. 
Bennet, Stephen, 267. 
Biddle, Richard, 250. 
Birds of New England, 142. 
Bona Esperanza, 264. 
Boott, Dr. Francis, 22. 
Botanists of Virginia, 120. 
Brodhead's History of New York, 271. 
Bruce, Mr. Edward C, 24. 
Burleigh: letters from Ralph Lane, 326, 

328, 336, 339. 
Bylot and Baffin's voyage, 248. 

Cabot, Sebastian, 250-8. 

Canadensium Plantarum, &c, 118. 

Catalogue of fish, 157. 

Cathay, passage to, 249. 

Chancelor, Richard, 264. 

Charges against Wingfield, 98. 

Charles's Island, 282, 287. 

Cherie Island, 267. 

Cherry Island, 299. 

Chronological table, 233. 

Climate of Spitzbergen, 282. 

Clovell, Eustace: shot by savages, 55. 

Coasts of Spitzbergen, 251. 

Colony, first American, 1 ; in Virginia, 76. 

Copper owned by natives, 52. 

Craney Island, 31. 

Cutler, Dr. Manasseh, 127. 


Dare, Virginia, 35. 

Deane, Charles: Introduction to Wing- 
field's Narrative, 69. 

De Bry's volume, 20. 

Dedication of Josselyn's book, 135. 

Denmark, King of, 280. 

Description of the new-discovered river 
and country of Virginia, &c, 59; of 
an Indian sqva, 230. 

De Veer's publication, 249, 267. 

Digges, Sir Dudley, 253. 

Discourse of Virginia, Wingfield, 69; of 
Sebastian Cabot, 261 ; of a voyage, 
&c., 285. 

Discoveries in Virginia, 34, 40. 

Division of the coasts of Spitzbergen, 280. 

Documents from the State-paper Office 
concerning Sir Walter Raleigh's Colo- 
ny, 1- 

Drake, Sir Francis, 26. 

Dudley, Chief-Justice, 123. 


Early botanical ■writers, 115. 

East-India Company, 280. 

Edge, Thomas, 275. Edge's Narrative, 

259. Edge's Island, 280. 
Expedition of William Barents, 266. 


Fac-simile of titlepage to New England's 

Rarities, 13.3. Ralph Lane's signature, 

Factory at Surat, 281. 
Family of John Josselyn, 109. 
Fellowship of English merchants, 265. 
Fishes of New England, 157. 
Fisheries at Spitzbergen, 281. 
Fishing at Newfoundland, 261. 
Fitch. Mathew: shot by savages, 57. 
Flora of New England, 120. 
Forster, Rheinhold, 250. 
Fotherby, Robert, 252. Probable author 

of MSS. journal and private history, 

275. Genealogy, 277. 
Fortrey, Samuel, Esq., 135. 
Franklin, Sir John, fate of, 241. 
Frobisher's Straits, 259. 





Garden herbs in New England, 220. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 262. 

Governor of the Muscovy Company, 253. 

Grand Banks, 261. 

Green, Deacon James, 279. 

Greenland, voyage " to the late-discovered 
countrye of," 285. Departure from 
England, 285. Arrived on the coast 
of Greenland, 287. Harbored in Sir 
Thomas Smyth's Baye, 289. Whale 
killed, 290. "Five ships in Ice Sound, 
290. Morses seen, 291. Storme in 
harbour, 292. White beare, 292. 
Weyed anchor out of Sir Thomas 
Smyth's Baye, 293. Ships in Joseph's 
Bay, 294. Troubled with ice, 296. 
Icebergs, 297. Came for England, 
297. Shallop of Dutchmen, 298. Ar- 
rived on the coast of England, an- 
chored in Winterton Boad, 299. De- 
scription of the country, 300. Varia- 
tion of the compass, 300. Warm 
weather, 301. Fresh water, 302. Com- 
modities of the country, 302. 

Greenville, Sir Richard, 5. 

Greville's Life of Sidney, 19. 

Grotius: "Mare Liberum," 251. 

Gurnard's Nose, 272. 


Hakluyt: his first work, 245. Society, 

Hakluytus Posthumus, 246. 
Hale, Bev. Edward E.: Introduction to 

Ralph Lane's Letters, 3. Life of Sir 

Ralph Lane, 317. 
Hamilton, Hans C, 34. 
Hanse towns, 259. 

Haven, Samuel F.: Introduction to Nar- 
rative of a Voyage to Spitsbergen in 

the year 1613, p. 241. 
Hawks, Dr.: History of North Carolina, 

Histoire du pays nomine" Spitzberghe, 

&c, 252. 
History of New York: Brodhead, 271. 
Howland, John, Hon., 279. 
Hudson's Bay, discovery of, 249. 
Hudson's touches, 270. Last voyage, 272. 
Hull, 273. 

Ice Sound, 290. 
Indian squaw, 230. 

Introduction to New-England Rarities, 
108; to Voyage to Spitsbergen, 241. 
Ivan Vasilowich, 265. 

James, King: his New Land, 252. 
Jamestown, Colony at, 1. 
James Towne in Virginia, 77. 
Jan Mayen Island, 277. 

Japan, Emperor of, 281. 

Jennison, Samuel, Esq., notice of, 345. 

Joseph, Benjamin, 275. 

Josselvn, John : New-England Rarities, 
107. Family of, 109. Voyage, 113. 
As a botanist, 121. Chronological ta- 
ble, 233. 


Kane, adventures of, 241. 
Kora in Lapland, 267. 

Lane, Sir Ralph, 1. Letters to Sir Fran- 
cis Walsingham and Sir Philip Sid- 
ney, 3, 8-18. Settlement on Roanoke 
Island, 24. Return to England, 26. 
Extract from Memorial, 27. Memoir 
to Raleigh, 28. Plans, 29. Life, 317. 
Family, '317. At court, 319. Friend 
of Leicester, 322. Letters to Bur- 
leigh, 326. Appointment to South- 
sea Castle, 328. American expedi- 
tion, 329. Complaint against, 331. 
Reputation as a soldier, 332. Petition 
to the Queen, 333. Career in Ireland, 

335. Letter on receiving knighthood, 

336. Letter from Kilkenny, 339. Sig- 
nature, 341. Date of death uncertain, 

Lansdowne Catalogue, 325. 

Leicester: letter from Ralph Lane, 320. 

Letter to Dr. Wylson, 321. 
Levant or Turkey Company, 280. 
Locke, John : Introductory Discourse, 



Mather, Cotton: Magnalia, 247. 

Marmaduke, Thomas, 273. 

Memoir of Ralph Lane, 1 ; of Sebastian 

Cabot, 250. 
Merchants of the Steelyard and Staple, 

259 ; of Newe Trades and Discoveries, 

Miscellanies, Barrington's, 243. 
Mohorse, 272. 
Muscovy Company, 251, 265, 279. 


Narratives of voyages, &c, 249. 

New England, appearance of, 139. An 

island, 140. 
New-England Rarities, 107. Introduction 

to, 108. Note to, 132. 
New Netherlands, 271. 
Newport, Capt. : discoveries in Virginia, 

34, 40. His arrival at the Virginia 

Colony, 94. 
Northern expedition of 1613, p. 275. 
Northern seas, supremacy over, 261. 
Note to New-England Rarities, 132. 
Nova Zembla, 267. 
Norway and Lapland, 263. 




O'Callaghan's New Netherlands, 271. 
Observations on some plants in New 
England, &c, 125. 

Pamaonche River, 96. 

Passage to Cathay, 249. 

People of Virginia described, 63. 

Percv, Master George, 73. 

Plants, American, 121, 130; of New Eng- 
land, 171. 

Pocahontas : storv of her rescue of Smith 
doubted, 92-96. 

Poem, 232. 

Point Winauk, 54. 

Poole, Jonas, 272. 

Powatah, native chieftain, 43. 

Purchas, collection of, 241. 


Queene Apumatec, 51. 

Quirauk Mountains in Virginia, 59. 


Ealeigh, Sir Walter : Eirst American 

Colony, 1, 5. 
Rarities, New England's, 107. 
Ratcliffe, John, 83. 
Recorder of Virginia, 84. 
Resolutions in reference to the death of 

Samuel Jennison, Esq., 347. 
Revolution, English, 257. 
Roanoke, Colony at, 36. Letters, seal of, 

Robin, John, 117. 
Robinson, John, 92. 
Rosse, Bay of, 28. 
Randall's analvsis of Willoughbv's work, 

Russia Company, 256. 

Sabine's report, 262. 

Salisbury, Hon. Stephen: Notice of Sa- 
muel Jennison, Esq., 345. 

Sallowes, Allen, 274. 

Scoresby's Arctic Regions, 273. Account 
of Spitzbergen, 282. 

Seal of the Roanoke letters, 18. Seal of 
Lane's English letters, 344. 

Sea-morse, description of the, 312. Shape 
and proportion, 313. Killed with 
lances, 314. Skin and blubber, 314. 

Serpents and insects of New England, 168. 

Sidney, Sir Philip, letters to, 3. 

Smith, Capt. John, 38, 72. His account 
of his rescue by Pocahontas, 92-96. 
Sir Thomas, 253. 

Smythe, Sir Thomas: Baye, 287. 

Son of Persia, 265. 

Soil of Virginia, 60. 

Some Rarities overslipt, 229. 

Spitzbergen, 241. Introduction, 241. 

Scoresby's account, 282. Mountains 

of, 282. 
State-paper Office, documents from, 1. 
Steelyard Company, 259. 
Stones, minerals, metals, and earths of 

New England, 225. 
Sufferings of the Virginia Colony, 81. 
Supremacy over Northern seas, 251. 
Surat, factory at, 251. 


Table, chronological, 233. 

Thorne, Robert, 262. 

Traffic with Russia, 266. 

Trinity Harbor, 10. 

True description of three voyages, 249. 

Tuckerman, Edward : Introduction to 

New-England Rarities, 107. 
Two voyages to New England, account 

of, 112. 

Vasilowich, Ivan, 265. 

Virginia, discoveries in, 34, 40. Descrip- 
tion of, 59. Botanists of, 120. 

Voyage to Spitzbergen, 241. Of the 
Isabella and Alexander, 249. " To the 
late -discovered countrye of Green- 
land," 285. 

Voyages of John Josselyn, 113. 


Walrus oil and ivory, 267. 

Walsingham, Sir Francis: letters from 
Ralph Lane, 3, 8. Dedication to, 245. 

Warburton, Bishop, 257. 

Waterfall near Richmond, 45. 

Whale-fishery, 251. Manner of killing 
whale, 303. Description of, 305. Lan- 
cing of, 306. Cutting up, 308. Blubber 
drawn to the shore, 308. Choppers, 
309. Boiling the oil, 311. Whale- 
bone, 311. 

White, John : drawings, 21. 

Wilkinson, Thomas, mate of the Ma- 
thew, 293. 

Willoughby, Sir Hugh: Journal, 249. 

Winauk Point, 54. 

Wingfield, Edward Maria: "Discourse of 
Virginia," 69. Plot to depose, 83. 

Winterton Roade, 299. 

Winthrop, Gov. John, 123. 

Wolstenholme, Sir John, 253. 

Woodcock, Nicholas, 274. 

Wyche's Lande, 280. 

Wylson, Dr.: letter from Leicester, 321. 


Page 30, line 20, for " east " read " west." 

Page 103, line 1 of note, for "Huntington " read " Huntingdon.